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Antonio Negri
This article is about the scholar. For the poet, seeAntonio Negri (poet).
Antonio "Toni" Negri (born 1 August 1933) is an ItalianMarxist sociologist and political philosopher, best knownfor his co-authorship of Empire, and secondarily for hiswork on Spinoza.
Born in Padua, he became a political philosophy pro-fessor in his hometown university. Negri founded the
Potere Operaio (Worker Power) group in 1969 and was aleading member of Autonomia Operaia.[3] As one of themost popular theorists of Autonomism, he has publishedhugely influential books urging “revolutionary conscious-ness.”
He was accused in the late 1970s of various chargesincluding being the mastermind of the left-wing urbanguerrilla organization[4] Red Brigades (Brigate Rosse orBR), involved in the May 1978 kidnapping of AldoMoro, two-time Prime Minister of Italy, and leader ofthe Christian-Democrat Party, among others. Voice evi-dence suggested Negri made a threatening phone call onbehalf of the BR, but the court was unable to conclu-sively prove his ties.[4] The question of Negri’s complicitywith left-wing extremism is a controversial subject.[5] Hewas indicted on a number of charges, including “associ-ation and insurrection against the state” (a charge whichwas later dropped), and sentenced for involvement in twomurders.
Negri fled to France where, protected by the Mitterranddoctrine, he taught at the Université de Vincennes(Paris-VIII) and the Collège international de philosophie,along with Jacques Derrida, Michel Foucault and GillesDeleuze.[3] In 1997, after a plea-bargain that reduced hisprison time from 30 to 13 years,[6] he returned to Italy toserve the end of his sentence. Many of his most influen-tial books were published while he was behind bars. Henow lives in Venice and Paris with his partner, the Frenchphilosopher Judith Revel.
1 Early years
Antonio Negri was born in Padua, Italy in 1933. Hisfather was an active communist, and although the fa-ther died when Negri was two years old, his political
engagement made Negri familiar with Marxism froman early age. He began his career as a militant in the1950s with the activist Roman Catholic youth organiza-
tion Gioventú Italiana di Azione Cattolica (GIAC). Ne-gri became a communist in 1953–54 when he workedat a kibbutz in Israel for a year. The kibbutz was or-ganised according to ideas of Zionist socialism and allthe members were Jewish communists.[7] He joined theItalian Socialist Party in 1956 and remained a memberuntil 1963, while at the same time becoming more andmore engaged throughout the late 1950s and early 1960sin Marxist movements.
He had a quick academic career at the University of
Padua and was promoted to full professor at a young agein the field of "dottrina dello Stato" (State theory), a pe-culiarly Italian field that deals with juridical and constitu-tional theory. This might have been facilitated by his con-nections to influential politicians such as Raniero Panzieriand philosopher Norberto Bobbio, strongly engaged withthe Socialist Party.
In the early 1960s Negri joined the editorial group ofQuaderni Rossi, a journal that represented the intellec-tual rebirth of Marxism in Italy outside the realm of thecommunist party.
In 1969, together with Oreste Scalzone and FrancoPiperno, Negri was one of the founders of the groupPotere Operaio (Workers’ Power) and the Operaismo
(workerist) Communist movement. Potere Operaio dis-banded in 1973 and gave rise to the Autonomia OperaiaOrganizzata (Organised Workers’ Autonomy) movement.
2 Arrest and flight
On 16 March 1978, Aldo Moro, former Italian primeminister and Christian Democrat party leader, was kid-
napped in Rome by the Red Brigades, his five-man bodyguard murdered on the spot of the kidnapping in Rome’sVia Fani. While they were holding him, forty-five daysafter the kidnapping,[6] the Red Brigades called his fam-ily on the phone, informing Moro’s wife of her husband’simpending death.[6] Nine days later his body, shot in thehead, was found dumped in a city lane. [6] The conversa-tion was recorded, and later broadcast and televised. Anumber of people who knew Negri and remembered hisvoice identified him as the probable author of the call, butthe claim has been since dismissed: the author of the callwas, in fact, Valerio Morucci.[8][9]
On 7 April 1979, at the age of forty-six, Antonio Ne-gri was arrested for his part in the Autonomy Move-ment, along with others (Emilio Vesce, Luciano Ferrari
1
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2 3 POLITICAL THOUGHT AND WRITING
Bravo, Mario Dalmaviva, LausoZagato, Oreste Scalzone,Pino Nicotri, Alisa del Re, Carmela di Rocco, MassimoTramonte, Sandro Serafini, Guido Bianchini, and oth-ers). Padova’s Public Prosecutor Pietro Calogero accusedthose involved in the political wing of the Red Brigades,and thus behind left-wing terrorism in Italy. Negri was
charged with a number of offenses, including leadershipof the Red Brigades, masterminding the 1978 kidnap-ping and murder of the President of the Christian Demo-cratic Party Aldo Moro, and plotting to overthrow thegovernment.[10] At the time, Negri was a political scienceprofessor at the University of Padua and visiting lecturerat Paris’ École Normale Supérieure. The Italian publicwas shocked that an academic could be involved in suchevents.[6]
A year later, Negri was exonerated fromAldo Moro’s kid-napping after a leader of the BR, having decided to coop-erate with the prosecution, testified that Negri “had noth-
ing to do with the Red Brigades.”[4] The charge of 'armedinsurrection against the State' against Negri was droppedat the last moment, and because of this he did not receivethe 30-year plus life sentence requested by the prosecu-tor, but only 30 years for being the instigator of politicalactivist Carlo Saronio’s murder and having 'morally con-curred' with Lombardini’s murder during a failed bankrobbery.[4]
His philosopher peers saw little fault with Negri’s activi-ties. Michel Foucault commented, “Isn't he in jail simplyfor being an intellectual?"[11] French philosophers FélixGuattari and Gilles Deleuze also signed in November
1977 L'Appel des intellectuels français contre la répressionen Italie (The Call of French Intellectuals Against Repres-sion in Italy) in protest against Negri’s imprisonment andItalian anti-terrorism legislation.[12][13]
In 1983, four years after his arrest and while he was still inprison awaiting trial, Negri was elected to the Italian leg-islature as a member for the Radical Party.[14] Claimingparliamentary immunity, he was temporarily released andused his freedom to escape to France. There he remainedfor 14 years, writing and teaching, protected from extra-dition in virtue of the "Mitterrand doctrine". His refusalto stand trial in Italy was widely criticized by Italian me-
dia and by the Italian Radical Party, who had supportedhis candidacy to Parliament.[14]
In France, Negri began teaching at the Université deParis VIII (Saint Denis) and the Collège international dePhilosophie, founded by Jacques Derrida. Although theconditions of his residence in France prevented him fromengaging in political activities, he wrote prolifically andwas active in a broad coalition of left-wing intellectu-als. In 1990 Negri with Jean-Marie Vincent and DenisBerger founded the journal Futur Antérieur . The journalceased publication in 1998 but was reborn as Multitudes
in 2000, with Negri as a member of the international ed-
itorial board.Negri was released fromprison in thespring of 2003, hav-
ing written some of his most influential works while be-hind bars.
In the late 1980s the Italian President Francesco Cos-siga described Antonio Negri as “a psychopath” who“poisoned the minds of an entire generation of Italy’s
youth.”
[15]
3 Political thought and writing
Unlike other forms of Marxism, autonomist Marxismemphasises the ability of the working class to forcechanges to the organization of the capitalist system in-dependent of the state, trade unions or political parties.Autonomists are less concerned with party political or-
ganization than are other Marxists, focusing instead onself-organized action outside of traditional organizationalstructures. Autonomist Marxism is thus a “bottom-up”theory: it draws attention to activities that autonomistssee as everyday working-class resistance to capitalism,for example absenteeism, slow working, and socializa-tion in the workplace. The journal Quaderni Rossi (“RedNotebooks”), produced between 1961 and 1965, and itssuccessor Classe Operaia (“Working Class”), producedbetween 1963 and 1966, were also influential in the de-velopment of early autonomism. Both were founded byAntonio Negri and Mario Tronti.
Today, Antonio Negri is best known as the co-author,with Michael Hardt, of the controversial Marxist-inspiredtreatise Empire (2000).[10]
In 2009 Negri completed the book Commonwealth, thefinal in a trilogy that began in 2000 with Empire and con-tinued with Multitude in 2004, co-authored with MichaelHardt.[3][16]
Since Commonwealth, he has written multiple notable ar-ticles on the Arab Spring and Occupy movements alongwith other social issues.[17] [18]
3.1 Labor of Dionysus: A Critique of the
State-Form (1994)
In this book the authors ask themselves “How is it, then,that labor, with all its life-affirming potential, has be-come the means of capitalist discipline, exploitation, anddomination in modern society?" The authors expose andpursue this paradox through a systematic analysis of therole of labor in the processes of capitalist production andin the establishment of capitalist legal and social institu-
tions. Critiquing liberal and socialist notions of labor andinstitutional reform from a radical democratic perspec-tive, Hardt and Negri challenge the state-form itself.[19]
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3.4 Multitude: War and Democracy in the Age of Empire (2004) 3
3.2 Insurgencies: Constituent Power and the
Modern State (1999)
This book written solely by Negri “explores the dramaof modern revolutions-from Machiavelli’s Florence and
Harrington’s England to the American, French, and Rus-sian revolutions-and puts forward a new notion of howpower and action must be understood if we are to achievea radically democratic future.”[20]
3.3 Empire (2000)
Main article: Empire (Negri and Hardt book)
In general, the book theorizes an ongoing transition
from a “modern” phenomenon of imperialism, cen-tered around individual nation-states, to an emergentpostmodern construct created among ruling powerswhich the authors call “Empire”, with different forms ofwarfare:
...according to Hardt and Negri’s Empire,the rise of Empire is the end of national con-flict, the “enemy” now, whoever he is, can nolonger be ideological or national. The enemynow must be understood as a kind of crimi-nal, as someone who represents a threat not toa political system or a nation but to the law.This is the enemy as a terrorist....In the “neworder that envelops the entire space of... civ-ilization”, where conflict between nations hasbeen made irrelevant, the “enemy” is simulta-neously “banalized” (reduced to an object ofroutine police repression) and absolutized (asthe Enemy, an absolute threat to the ethicalorder”[21]).[22]
Empire elaborates a variety of ideas surrounding con-stitutions, global war, and class. Hence, the Empire isconstituted by a monarchy (the United States and theG8, and international organizations such as NATO, theInternational Monetary Fund or the World Trade Organi-zation), an oligarchy (the multinational corporations andother nation-states) and a democracy (the various non-government organizations and the United Nations). Partof the book’s analysis deals with “imagin[ing] resistance”,but “the point of Empire is that it, too, is “total” and thatresistance to it can only take the form of negation - “thewill to be against”.[23] The Empire is total, but economic
inequality persists, and as all identities are wiped out andreplaced with a universal one, the identity of the poorpersists.[24]
Antonio Negri with Michael Hardt holding a copy of their co-
written book Commonwealth
3.4 Multitude: War and Democracy in the
Age of Empire (2004)
Main article: Multitude: War and Democracy in the Ageof Empire
Multitude addresses these issues and picks up the threadwhere Empire has left off. In order to do so, Hardt andNegri argue, one must first analyze the present configu-ration of war and its contradictions. This analysis is per-formed in the first chapter, after which chapters two andthree focus on multitude and democracy, respectively.Multitude is not so much a sequel as it is a reiteration froma new point of view in a new, relatively accessible style
that is distinct from the predominantly academic prosestyle of Empire. Multitude remains, the authors insist,despite its ubiquitous subject matter and its almost casualtone, a book of philosophy which aims to shape a con-ceptual ground for a political process of democratizationrather than present an answer to the question ‘what to do?’or offer a programme for concrete action.
3.5 Commonwealth (2009)
Main article: Commonwealth (book)
In this book, the authors introduce the concept of “therepublic of property": “What is central for our purposeshere is that the concept of property and the defense ofproperty remain the foundation of every modern politi-cal constitution. This is the sense in which the republic,from the great bourgeois revolutions to today, is a repub-lic of property”.[25] Part 2 of the book deals with the rela-tionship between modernity and anti-modernity and pro-poses “alter-modernity”. Alter-modernity “involves notonly insertion in the long history of antimodern strugglesbut also rupture with any fixed dialectic between mod-
ern sovereignty and antimodern resistance. In the passagefrom antimodernity to altermodernity, just as traditionand identity are transformed, so too resistance takes on
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4 5 SELECTED WORKS (ENGLISH)
a new meaning, dedicated now to the constitution of al-ternatives. The freedom that forms the base of resistance,as we explained earlier, comes to the fore and constitutesan event to announce a new political project.” [26]
For Alex Callinicos in a review “What is newest in Com-
monwealth is its take on the fashionable idea of the com-mon. Hardt andNegri mean by this not merely thenaturalresources that capital seeks to appropriate, but also “thelanguages we create, the social practices we establish, themodes of sociality that define our relationships”, whichare both the means and the result of biopolitical produc-tion. Communism, they argue, is defined by the common,just as capitalism is by the private and socialism (whichthey identify in effect with statism) with the public.”[27]
For David Harvey Negri and Hardt “in the search of analtermodernity-something that is outside the dialecticalopposition between modernity and anti-modernity-theyneed a means of escape. The choice between capitalism
and socialism, they suggest is all wrong. We need to iden-tify something entirely different, communism-workingwithin a different set of dimensions.”[28] Harvey alsonotes that “Revolutionary thought, Hardt and Negri ar-gue, must find a way to contest capitalism and “the repub-lic of property.” It “should not shun identity politics butinstead must work through it and learn from it,” becauseit is the “primary vehicle for struggle within and againstthe republic of property since identity itself is based onproperty and sovereignty.”[28] In the same exchange inArtforum between Harvey and Micheal Hardt and Anto-nio Negri, Hardt and Negri attempt to correct Harvey in
a concept that is important within the argument of Com-monwealth. As such, they state that “We instead definethe concept of singularity, contrasting it to the figure ofthe individual on the one hand and forms of identity onthe other, by focusing on three aspects of its relationshipto multiplicity: Singularity refers externally to a multi-plicity of others; is internally divided or multiple; andconstitutes a multiplicity over time - that is, a process ofbecoming.”[28]
3.6 Occupy movements of 2011–2012 and
Declaration
In May 2012 Negri self-published (with Michael Hardt)an electronic pamphlet on the occupy and encampmentmovements of 2011–2012 called Declaration that arguesthe movement explores new forms of democracy. The in-troduction was published at Jacobin under the title “TakeUp the Baton”. He also published an article with Hardt
in Foreign Affairs in October 2011 stating “The En-campment in Lower Manhattan Speaks to a Failure ofRepresentation.” [18]
4 Quotes
• “Prison, with its daily rhythm, with the transfer andthedefense, does not leave any time; prisondissolvestime: This is the principal form of punishment in acapitalist society.”[29]
• “Nothing in my books has any direct organizationalrelationship. My responsibility is totally as an intel-lectual who writes and sells books!"[30]
• "...it is indeed necessary to recognize as a fact theemergence of the B.R. [Red Brigades] and NAP[Armed Proletariat Nuclei] as the tip of the icebergof the Movement. This does not require one in anyway to transform the recognition into a defense, andthis does not in any way deny the grave mistake ofthe B.R. line. At one point I defined the B.R. as avariable of the movement gone crazy... I state againthat terrorism can only be fought through an authen-tic mass political struggle and inside the revolution-ary movement.”[30]
• In Empire the expansion of capitalism is supposedto be 'internal' rather than 'external,' in that it “sub-sumes not the noncapitalist environment but its owncapitalist terrain—that is, that the subsumption is nolonger formal but real."[31]
5 Selected works (English)
• Negri, Antonio. Pipeline: Letters from Prison, trans-lated by Ed Emery. Cambridge, Polity, 2015
• Negri, Antonio. Insurgencies: Constituent Power
and the Modern State, translated by MauriziaBoscagli. Minneapolis: University of MinnesotaPress, 1999. Reprint by University of MinnesotaPress, 2009.
• Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Commonwealth,
Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2009.ISBN 978-0-674-03511-9
• The Cell (DVD of 3 interviews on captivity with Ne-
gri) Angela Melitopoulos, Actar, 2008.
• Antonio Negri, The Porcelain Workshop: For a New
Grammar of Politics Translated by Noura Wedell.California: Semiotext(e) 2008.
• Antonio Negri, Political Descartes : Reason, Ideol-
ogy and the Bourgeois Project. Translated by MatteoMandarini and Alberto Toscano. New York: Verso,2007.
• Antonio Negri, Negri on Negri: In Conversation with
Anne Dufourmentelle London: Routledge, 2004.
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5
• Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Multitude: War
and Democracy in the Age of Empire, New York:Penguin Press, 2004.
• Antonio Negri, Subversive Spinoza:
(Un)Contemporary Variations , edited by Tim-
othy S. Murphy, translated by Timothy S. Murphy,Michael Hardt, Ted Stolze, and Charles T. Wolfe,Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004.
• Antonio Negri, Time for Revolution. Translated byMatteo Mandarini. New York: Continuum, 2003.
• Antonio Negri, The Labor of Job: The Biblical Text
as a Parable of Human Labor , (Forward: MichaelHardt; Translator: Matteo Mandarini), Duke Uni-versity Press, (begun 1983) 2009.
• Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Empire, Harvard
University Press, 2000.• Hardt, Michael and Negri, Antonio. Labor of
Dionysus: A Critique of the State-Form. Minneapo-lis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994.
• Negri, Antonio.The Savage Anomaly: The Power
of Spinoza’s Metaphysics and Politics , translated byMichael Hardt. Minneapolis: University of Min-nesota Press, 1991.
• Antonio Negri, Marx Beyond Marx: Lessons on the
Grundrisse, New York: Autonomedia, 1991.
• Antonio Negri, Revolution Retrieved: Selected Writ-
ings on Marx, Keynes, Capitalist Crisis and New So-
cial Subjects, 1967–83,[32] trans. Ed Emery andJohn Merrington, London: Red Notes, 1988. ISBN0-906305-09-8
• Antonio Negri, The Politics of Subversion: A Man-
ifesto for the Twenty-First Century, Cambridge:Polity Press, 1989.
• Félix Guattari and Antonio Negri, Communists like
us , 1985.
• Goodbye Mr. Socialism Antonio Negri in conver-sation with Raf Valvola Scelsi, Seven Stories Press,2008.
• Casarino, Cesare and Negri, Antonio. In Praise of
the Common. Minneapolis: University of MinnesotaPress, 2009.
• Declaration, with Michael Hardt, 2012.
5.1 Online articles
• Multitudes quarterly journal (in French)
• Archives of the journal Futur Antérieur (in French)
• English translations of recent articles by AntonioNegri from Generation Online
• Hardt & Negri (2002), “Marx’s Mole is Dead” inEurozine
•
Between “Historic Compromise” and Terrorism:Reviewing the experience of Italy in the 1970s Le
Monde Diplomatique, August–September 1998
• “Towards an Ontological Definition of Multitude”Article published in the French journal Multitudes.
• Extract from Negri and Hardt’s Empire at Marx-ists.org
• “Take Up the Baton.”
6 Films• Marx Reloaded , Arte, April 2011.
• Antonio Negri: A Revolt that Never Ends , ZDF/Arte,52 min., 2004.
7 See also
• Paolo Virno
• Autonomism
• Libertarian marxism
8 References
[1] Elsa Romeo, La Scuola di Croce: testimonianze sull'Istituto
italiano per gli studi storici , Il Mulino, 1992, p. 309.
[2] Maggiori Robert, “Toni Negri, le retour du «diable»",Libération.fr, 3 July 1997.
[3] “Antonio Negri Profile at the European Graduate School.
Biography, bibliography, photos and video lectures.”.Saas-Fee,Switzerland: European Graduate School. Re-trieved 2010-12-12.
[4] Portelli, Alessandro (1985). “Oral Testimony, the Lawand the Making of History: the 'April 7' Murder Trial”.History Workshop Journal (Oxford University Press) 20
(1): 5–35. doi:10.1093/hwj/20.1.5.
[5] Drake, Richard. “The Red and the Black: Terrorism inContemporary Italy”, International Political Science Re-view / Revue internationale de science politique, Vol. 5,No. 3, Political Crises (1984), pp. 279–298. Quote: “Thedebate over Toni Negri’s complicity in left-wing extrem-
ism has already resulted in the publication of several thickpolemical volumes, as well as a huge number of op-edpieces.”
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6 9 FURTHER READING
[6] Windschuttle, Keith. “Tutorials in Terrorism” The Aus-
tralian, 16 March 2005
[7] Ganahl, Rainer. “Marx is still Marx: Antonio Negri”.Semiotext(e). Retrieved 2013-10-28.
[8] “Tecniche d'indagine. Quando il telefono è un bluff”.Panorama (in Italian). 29 September 2011.
[9] Lucio Di Marzo (10 December 2011). “Dopo il caso Bat-tisti,ora Toni Negri spiega la filosofia ai francesi”. Il Gior-
nale (in Italian).
[10] Malcolm Bull (4 October 2001). “You can’t build a newsociety with a Stanley knife”. London Review of Books.Retrieved 2010-12-12.
[11] Michel Foucault, “Lephilosophe masqué" (inDits et écrits,
volume 4, Paris, Gallimard, 1994, p. 105)
[12] Revised bibliography of Deleuze at the Wayback Machine(archived June 26, 2008)
[13] Gilles Deleuze, Lettre ouverte aux juges de Negri , text n°20in Deux régimes de fous , Mille et une nuits, 2003 (transl.of Lettera aperta ai giudici di Negri published in La Repub-
blica on10 May 1979); Ce livre est littéralement une preuve
d'innocence, text n°21 (op.cit.), originally published in Le
Matin de Paris on 13 December 1979
[14] “Pannella: e' chiaro che mira all' amnistia”. Corriere della
Sera. 22 June 1997. Retrieved 5 January 2011.
[15] The Independent, "Antonio Negri: The nostalgic revolu-tionary", 17 August 2004. Accessed 7/04/10
[16] Gray, John (20 November 2009). “Commonwealth, ByMichael Hardt & Antonio Negri / First as Tragedy, Thenas Farce, By Slavoj Zizek”. The Independent. Retrieved2010-12-12.
[17] Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Arabs are democracy’snew pioneers, The Guardian, 24 February 2011.
[18] Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, The Fight for 'RealDemocracy' at the Heart of Occupy Wall Street, ForeignAffairs, 11 October 2011.
[19] Introductory page on the book by University of Minnesotapress
[20] Introduction to thebook by University of Minnesota Press
[21] Antonio Negri and Michael Hardt, Empire (Cambridge,Massachusetts & London, England: Harvard UniversityPress, 2000), pg 6.
[22] Walter Benn Michaels, The Shape of the Signifier: 1967 to
the end of history (Princeton University Press, 2004), pg171-172.
[23] Walter Benn Michaels, The Shape of the Signifier: 1967 tothe end of history (Princeton University Press, 2004), pg173.
[24] “The problem, as they see it, is that “postmodernist au-thors” have neglected the one identity that should mattermost to those on the left, the one we have always with us:“The only non-localizable 'common name' of pure differ-ence in all eras is that of the poor” (156)...only the poor,Hardt and Negri say, “live radically the actual and present
being” (157).” Walter Benn Michaels, The Shape of theSignifier: 1967 to the end of history (Princeton UniversityPress, 2004), pg 179-180.
[25] Antonio Negri and Michael Hardt. Commonwealth. Har-vard University Press. 2009. Pg.15
[26] Antonio Negri and Michael Hardt. Commonwealth. Har-vard University Press. 2009. Pg.107
[27] Commonwealth. Book Review by Alex Callinicos, March2010
[28] David Harvey, Antonio Negri and Michael Hardt. An ex-
change on Commonweatlh in Artforum. November 2009.
[29] Preface to his The Savage Anomaly. The Power of
Spinoza’s Metaphysics and Politics . [A study “drafted bythe lightof midnight oil in prison” (ibid.), from April 1979to April 1980]. Minneapolis/Oxford: University of Min-nesota Press, 1981, p. xxiii
[30] Autonomia: Post-Political Politics , ed. Sylvere Lotringer& Christian Marazzi. New York: Semiotext(e), 1980,2007.
[31] Hardt and Negri 2000, p. 272.
[32] ""Revolution Retrieved"". Archived from the original on25 October 2009.
9 Further reading
• The Cell (DVD of 3 interviews on captivity with Ne-
gri) Angela Melitopoulos, Actar, 2008.
• Empire and Imperialism: A Critical Reading of
Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri. Atilio Boron,London: Zed Books, 2005. (Publisher’s announce-
ment)
• Reading Capital Politically, Harry Cleaver. 1979,second ed. 2000.
• The Philosophy of Antonio Negri , vol. 1: Resistance
in Practice, ed. Timothy S. Murphy and Abdul-Karim Mustapha. London: Pluto Press, 2005.
• The Philosophy of Antonio Negri , vol. 2: Revolu-
tion in Theory, ed. Timothy S. Murphy and Abdul-Karim Mustapha. London: Pluto Press, 2007.
• Dossier on Empire: a special issue of RethinkingMarxism, ed. Abdul-karim Mustapha. London:T&F/Routledge, 2002.
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7
• Autonomia: Post-Political Politics , ed. SylvereLotringer & Christian Marazzi. New York: Semio-text(e), 1980, 2007. (Includes transcripts of Ne-gri’s exchanges with his accusers during his trial.)ISBN 1-58435-053-9, ISBN 978-1-58435-053-8.Available online at Semiotext(e)
• Antonio Negri Illustrated: Interview in Venice, Clau-dio Calia, Red Quill Books, 2011. ISBN 978-1-926958-13-2 (Publisher’s announcement)
10 External links
• Media related to Antonio Negri at Wikimedia Com-mons
• Quotations related to Michael Hardt and AntonioNegri at Wikiquote
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8 11 TEXT AND IMAGE SOURCES, CONTRIBUTORS, AND LICENSES
11 Text and image sources, contributors, and licenses
11.1 Text
• Antonio Negri Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Antonio_Negri?oldid=704312365 Contributors: DavidLevinson, Edward, Jahsonic,Gabbe, Lquilter, Nerd~enwiki, Sir Paul, Kaihsu, JidGom, Charles Matthews, Harris7, Blogalvillager, VeryVerily, Rbellin, Fredrik, Fifelfoo,Stephan Schulz, Mirv, ABC~enwiki, Ojigiri~enwiki, Hadal, UtherSRG, Wikibot, Milkbadger, Alan Liefting, Richard Myers, Peter El-lis, Neilc, Pgan002, Quadell, Phil Sandifer, Maarten Hermans, Karl-Henner, Esperant, D6, Simonides, Rich Farmbrough, Cnwb, Luluof the Lotus-Eaters, Xezbeth, Bender235, Cyclopia, Lycurgus, Nickj, Stephian, Bill Thayer, Whosyourjudas, Valve, Rmattson, Ce-sarschirmer~enwiki, Hydriotaphia, Andrewpmk, Dowcet, Polyphilo, JK the unwise, Voluntary Slave, RJFJR, VoluntarySlave, Ceyockey,RyanGerbil10, Mel Etitis, Logophile, Lapsed Pacifist, G.W., Turnstep, Qwertyus, Kbdank71, Josh Parris, Behemoth, Rjwilmsi, Salleman,Ghepeu, Hanshans23, FlaBot, Chobot, YurikBot, RussBot, Kmorrow, Hede2000, Leutha, LaszloWalrus, Don Mitchell, Jonru, Steven-wmccrary58, Tomisti, Poppy, Curpsbot-unicodify, SoberEmu, Piquant, Sardanaphalus, Attilios, Lundse, SmackBot, John Lunney, MontyCantsin, Hmains, Betacommand, Mgasner~enwiki, GoneAwayNowAndRetired, Dahn, Kaliz, Mladifilozof, Pipifaxa, Thorsen, Ohconfu-cius, Cast, BrownHairedGirl, Lapaz, Tazmaniacs, Gobonobo, Giordaano, Christian Roess, Johnyang2, FrFintonStack, Bobfrombrockley,Nakedpunch, Cydebot, JackMcJiggins, Bomzhik~enwiki, C chawson, Thijs!bot, Biruitorul, Wiel, MeredithParmer, Nick Number, RobotG,Zigzig20s, Frankie816, Lawilkin, Freshacconci, VoABot II, Mammouth~enwiki, Owenhatherley, FisherQueen, Job L, Mtevfrog, MauriceCarbonaro, Laurusnobilis, David r from meth productions, Andreamubi, Gjashnan, Belovedfreak, Inwind, TreasuryTag, TXiKiBoT, Ct-wolfe, Tomsega, Zithulele Dlamini, Dpianelli, Seraphim, Room429, TicklishSubject, AlleborgoBot, Oules, SieBot, Monegasque, LSmok3,Vojvodaen, Rholifi, The Four Deuces, Bjorn Martiz, SummerWithMorons, Kai-Hendrik, Wedineinheck, DionysosProteus, M4gnum0n,DerBorg, Cloudtwenty, Good Olfactory, Addbot, Rachel0898, Smetanahue, Download, LaaknorBot, Roux, Woland1234, Numbo3-bot,Xenobot, Marla hurov, Luckas-bot, Yobot, Waxworklibation, Eduen, AnomieBOT, Ump111, LilHelpa, Paperoverman, Omnipaedista,
Derek.ford, WebCiteBOT, FrescoBot, Reddishwagon, Senecasigma, Citation bot 1, Jonesey95, AustralianMelodrama, Baucham, Trappistthe monk, Miracle Pen, Regancy42, Zujine, Fæ, SandorKrasna, Leendert123, Polisher of Cobwebs, TYelliot, Teleclap, Ottiuser, Help-ful Pixie Bot, Anentiresleeve, AlterBerg, Graham11, Jim Sukwutput, Ostera65, Makecat-bot, VIAFbot, CsDix, StefanoRR, Skytale23,JaconaFrere, AKS.9955, Mike Kabinsky, Eteethan, KasparBot, Approximate Huw and Anonymous: 124
11.2 Images
• File:Ambox_important.svg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/b4/Ambox_important.svg License: Public do-main Contributors: Own work, based off of Image:Ambox scales.svg Original artist: Dsmurat (talk · contribs)
• File:Antonio_Negri_y_Michael_Hardt.jpg Source: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/9a/Antonio_Negri_y_Michael_Hardt.jpg License: CC BY-SA 3.0 Contributors: Own work Original artist: DarkMoMo
11.3 Content license
• Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0