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How Today’s ImmigrationEnforcement Policies Impact
Children, Families, and CommunitieA View from the Ground
Joanna Dreby August 2012
WWW.AMERICANPROGRESS.O
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How Today’s ImmigrationEnforcement Policies ImpactChildren, Families, andCommunitiesA View from the Ground
Joanna Dreby August 2012
Documenting the Undocumented Series
Tis report is the third in a Center or American Progress series that looks at the daily
lives, struggles, and strategies o undocumented immigrants who must live through the
assault o harsh laws designed to make their lives unbearable. Troughout 2012 wewill release reports that li the veil on our nation’s undocumented, providing a win-
dow into the lives o the 11 million who live in the United States without papers and
how our nation’s immigration policies impact us all–documented or not.
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Contents 1 Introduction and summary
5 Ramped-up immigration enforcement and deportation
in the United States
9 Direct effetcsDeportation’s disastrous consequences
for families
21 Wider ramifications: Deportation’s destabilizing effects
on children and communities
30 Conclusion and policy recommendations
32 About the author and acknowledgments
33 Endnotes
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1 Center for American Progress | How Today’s Immigration Enforcement Policies Impact Children, Families, and Comm
Introduction and summary
Wha happens o children when heir parens are depored? How do hese depor-
aions, now more numerous han ever,1 affec amilies and he communiies in
which hey live? Tis repor looks a how immigraion enorcemen shapes amily
lie in he Unied Saes, boh among immigran and mixed-saus amilies, and in
heir wider communiies.
Even as he Unied Saes has ailed o pass comprehensive immigraion reorm in
he pas decade, i has increasingly aken a hardline sance on immigraion enorce-men, paricularly in argeing unauhorized immigrans living in he counry.2
Te number o immigrans removed has seadily risen, rom close o 190,000
deporaions in 2001 o close o 400,000 per year in he pas our years.3 Even
more roubling, in he firs six monhs o 2011 alone, more han 46,000 parens o
U.S. ciizen children were depored.4
Wih more han 11 million unauhorized immigrans living in he counry, hese
deporaions affec a wide swah o he populaion,5 including he undocumened
and he ciizen alike. Undocumened immigrans do no live separae and walled-
off lives rom he documened, bu insead live side by side in he same com-
muniies and in he same amilies. A oal o 16.6 million people currenly live in
mixed-saus amilieswih a leas one unauhorized immigranand a hird o
U.S. ciizen children o immigrans live in mixed-saus amilies.6
Addiionally, having ciizen children or even being he primary provider or U.S.
ciizen children is litle help in removal proceedings: A recen repor by he NYU
School o Law’s Immigran Righs Clinic ound ha beween 2005 and 2010, 87
percen o processed cases in New York Ciy o individuals wih ciizen childrenresuled in deporaion.7
As individuals ace he hrea o deporaion,8 ripple effecs spli amilies and
enire communiies apar.
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2 Center for American Progress | How Today’s Immigration Enforcement Policies Impact Children, Families, and Comm
We argue in his repor ha deporaions break amilies up and have a wider effec
on he communiy as a wholeno jus he individual and he amily involved.
Deportations rip apart families
Deporaions have a large effec on amilies, orcing children ino oser care as
heir parens are shipped ou o he counry and leaving single mohers sruggling
o make ends mee.
• They leave children in foster care. As he Applied Research Council has ound,
many U.S. ciizen children o undocumened deporees may end up in he oser
care sysem, ofen or no oher reason han he undocumened saus o a par-
en. Legal saus complicaes reunificaions, placing he burden or he care o
hese children on sae and ederal governmens. Te oal coss o oser each
child (beween adminisraive and mainenance coss) are significanclose o$26,000 per year.9
• They create a large number of single mothers struggling to make ends meet.
While many single parens in he Unied Saes ace similar circumsances, in
his case i is he governmen’s own policies ha creae he condiions or single
parenhood. In addiion, he enuous legal saus o many parens lef behind
adds a double burden on hese amilies o provide or heir amilies while also
raising heir children.
Deportations affect communities, as well as families
Deporaions’ consequences ripple ou rom hose individuals wih a amily mem-
ber ha has been depored, affecing he larger communiy as well. Tis research
finds ha he knowledge alone ha deporaions are occurring in one’s com-
muniy pus children and amiliesand hus enire communiieson edge and
heighens ears abou amily separaion.
•
Children and their parents live in constant fear of separation. Ofen children who do no know anyone depored sill ear or heir own amilies based on he
knowledge ha hey could be separaed a a momen’s noice.
This research
finds that the
knowledge alon
that deportation
are occurring in
one’s communit
puts children
and families—
and thus entire
communities—
on edge and
heightens fears
about family
separation.
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3 Center for American Progress | How Today’s Immigration Enforcement Policies Impact Children, Families, and Comm
• Because of fears of deportation, children routinely conflate the police with
immigration officials. Tis is rue even in areas where local law enorcemen
have no official agreemens o work wih he Deparmen o Homeland Securiy.
Tese childrenwho are U.S. ciizensgrow up araid o he police.
•
Children begin to associate all immigrants with illegal status, regardless oftheir own identity or legal status. As a resul, children are dissociaing hem-
selves wih heir immigran heriage.
o beter suppor children and amilies, we make he ollowing policy
recommendaions:
• Enact a commonsense and comprehensive policy change. In he long erm only
comprehensive immigraion reorm wih a pahway o earned legalizaion or
unauhorized immigrans can gran securiy o parens and children in mixed-sa-
us amilies. Children need no be araid ha heir amily will be broken up due oirregular sauses. Tey mus no learn o be ashamed o heir immigran heriage.
• Modest legislative fixes can help as well. On July 16, 2012, Rep. Lucille Roybal-
Allard (D-CA) inroduced he Help Separaed Families Ac, H.R. 6128, o
ensure ha children are no aken away rom heir relaives simply because o
heir parens’ immigraion saus. In July 2011 Sen. Al Franken (D-MN) and
Rep. Lynn Woolsey (D-CA) inroduced he Humane Enorcemen and Legal
Proecions or Separaed Children Ac, which would mandae sandards or
immigraion enorcemen when children are involved. Te bill would ensure
ha parens are kep inormed o and are able o coninue o make decisions
abou he care o heir children, and ha he ineress o he children are aken
ino accoun in deenion, release, or ransers. Passing hese bills would go a
long way oward prevening children rom ending up in oser care while heir
amily members are deained or depored.10
• Expand executive action. In he shor erm adminisraive acion can grealy
alleviae hreas o immigran amilies. Presiden Barack Obama can and should
allow parens, especially hose supporing U.S. ciizen children, o say in he
counry i hey have commited no crimes and are only guily o he civil offenseo being in he counry wihou saus.11
In his repor we ocus specifically on children in Mexican immigran households,
as enorcemen policies disproporionaely affec hem. Mexicans are approxi-
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4 Center for American Progress | How Today’s Immigration Enforcement Policies Impact Children, Families, and Comm
maely 30 percen o he oreign-born populaion and 58 percen o he unauhor-
ized populaion in he Unied Saes.12 In 2010, however, Mexicans comprised 83
percen o he deained, 73 percen o hose orcibly removed, and 77 percen o
volunary deparures.13 More han 7 million children in he Unied Saes live wih
parens rom Mexico, and hal o hese children are esimaed o be U.S. ciizens
living wih nonciizen parens.14
Tis repor draws on findings rom he auhor’s ehnographic sudy wih Mexican
immigran amilies in wo siesone in cenral New Jersey and he oher in norh-
eas Ohio. Te daa include in-deph inerviews wih 110 children and 91 parens,
and home and school visis wih 12 amilies. Similariies in amily members’ experi-
ences, even across wo vasly differen local conexs, illusraes ha he resuls
repored here are likely rue or children living in oher setings around he counry. 15
Cerainly he deporaion o people who have commited cerain serious crimes
and are hreas o our naional securiy will ineviably break up amilies. Bu hereare ways o recognize he imporance o amily unificaion and o miigae he
devasaing effecs o deporaionespecially or hose who have commited no
crimes, save or he civil penaly o being in he counry wihou saus.
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Ramped-up immigration
enforcement and deportation
in the United States
Over he pas ew years, he Unied Saes has racheed up he number o people
i removes rom he counry each year.16 Te nearly 400,000 people depored each
year since 2009 represens more han wice he 189,000 depored in 2001.17
Mexicans are he mos adversely affeced by such policies. While hey are no he only
group o be unauhorizednor are all Mexican immigrans unauhorized18hey are
overrepresened in apprehensions, deenions, removals, and reurns.19
And while he presiden’s June 15 announcemen graning deerred acion o
DREAM Ac-eligible youh will go a long way o proecing unauhorized children
rom deporaion, he program is o no help o heir parens.20
Oher programs o prosecuorial discreion such as he one announced in he
summer o 2011, mean o prioriize resources oward deporing criminals firs
and oremoshave no lived up o heir promises. A recen sudy by Syracuse
Universiy ound ha only 1.9 percen o pending deporaion cases have been
closed because o he his program.21
Shifts in immigrant settlement patterns
A naional emphasis on enorcemen coincides wih a major shif in paterns o
Mexican migraion o and rom he Unied Saes. In he pas Mexican migraion
was primarily seasonal and emporary, bu since he 1990s setlemen has sharply
increased.22 Mexican immigrans oday live in various ypes o setled amilies:
•
3.5 million U.S. ciizen children have nonciizen Mexican parens.• 755,000 nonciizen Mexican children have parens who are also nonciizens.• 79,000 nonciizen Mexican children have parens who are U.S. ciizens,23 bu
hose children are likely o be on backlogged waiing liss o nauralize. Some
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6 Center for American Progress | How Today’s Immigration Enforcement Policies Impact Children, Families, and Comm
may be permanenly suck wihou a pahway o legalizaion based on immigra-
ion re-enry bars o eiher hree years or 10 years, depending on how long hey
have been in he counry wihou saus.24
Wih he economic recession, jobs in he Unied Saes have dried up; new inflows
o people rom Mexico have ceased.25
Noneheless, he Mexican American unau-horized populaion coninues o grow, and wih i he number o mixed-saus
amilieshose wih a leas one unauhorized residen and one U.S. ciizen.
In he 1980s and 1990s, mos growh in he Mexican populaion in he Unied
Saes was due o immigraion; beween 2000 and 2010 he Mexican American
populaion in he Unied Saes primarily grew as a resul o new birhs.26 Tis shif
atess o an unprecedened number o young people who will likely be affeced by
U.S. enorcemen policies.
Local effects of enforcement
Immigraion policy is under ederal jurisdicion, bu he consequences are el locally.
Beween 2009 and 2011 he auhor compleed an ehnographic sudy in Ohio
and New Jersey. Boh are newer desinaions or Mexican migransplaces where
Mexican communiies did no exis prior o he 1990s. Neiher sie has been plagued
by he over ensions ueled by a specific conroversy over unauhorized migraion.
A he ime o he sudy, or example, neiher had signed an agreemen under secion
287(g) o he Immigraion and Naionaliy Acwhich depuizes local law enorce-
men o ac as immigraion officials, somehing usually reserved or ederal offi-
cersor paricipaed in he Secure Communiies program. Ye he characerisics o
each sieand he Mexican communiies wihin hemvary considerably.
In he midsize urban area o he sie in norheas Ohio, he Mexican communiy
is small and relaively invisible. I is an economically depressed region ha has
suffered severe job loss wih deindusrializaion. Mos Mexicans work in he ood
service indusry or in area acories. Some men work in consrucion and some
women in domesic service. Families live dispersed hroughou he ciy and sur-rounding suburbs. Small businesses caering o Lainos are scatered, ofen locaed
in srip malls. Mexicans enjoy relaively low housing coss. Mos ren heir own
homes or aparmens on minimum-wage incomes. Many mohers choose no
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7 Center for American Progress | How Today’s Immigration Enforcement Policies Impact Children, Families, and Comm
o work, a decision hey described as more affordable han child care. Children
atend schools wih very ew oher Laino children. Mos are he only Mexican
children in heir grades, i no in heir schools.
In he more busling sie in a midsize ciy in cenral New Jersey, he declining
indusries o he 1970s and 1980s were replaced by growhs in manuacuring, as well as a vibran service secorespecially in landscaping and consrucion. Tis
atraced many Mexican migrans in he 1990s and 2000s. O he approximaely
50,000 ciy residens, 33 percen are oreign born and 39 percen are Hispanic.27
Many residens call one area o he midsize ciy “Litle Mexico,” as nearly every
soreron boass Spanish names.
Mos Mexicans in his area are relaively low-wage workers surviving in a commu-
niy where he cos o living is high. Tey ypically double up, wih wo or hree
amilies in each housing uni. Boh mohers and ahers work, ofen a alernae
imes so hey do no have o pay or child care. A one disric elemenary school,80 percen o sudens have Mexican immigran parens.
Mexican amilies across America ace challenges as hey navigae differing local
environmens. In some places, such as he sie in New Jersey, hey have access o
ransporaion and ranslaion or inerpreaion services, which grealy improve
heir access o social services in he area. In oher places, such as he sudy sie in
Ohio, Mexican amilies are more isolaed.
Ye in boh ypes o setings, Mexican immigran amilies describe conronaions
wih local law enorcemen as being an area o grea concern. Communiy mem-
bers in each sie are highly aware o and careully monior heir relaionships wih
police and oher law enorcemen agencies, as he res o his repor will show.
Methodology
Tis repor draws rom he auhor’s inerviews wih 91 parens and 110 children in
norheas Ohio (beween 2009 and 2011) and cenral New Jersey (rom 2011 o
2012). Te local conex is crucial, bu in his repor we ocus on he experiencesha were similar or amilies in New Jersey and Ohio. Te cross-sie comparison
idenifies hemes ha may apply o Mexican children living elsewhere.28
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8 Center for American Progress | How Today’s Immigration Enforcement Policies Impact Children, Families, and Comm
Te sudy purposeully sampled differen ypes o amilies, including hose in
which children were U.S. born, legal migrans, and undocumened, as well as
parens in he same hree caegories. Te auhor inerviewed parens and children
in a oal o 80 amilies. O he parens, 63 were undocumened, 18 were legal
migrans, and 10 were U.S. born. O he children, 31 were undocumened, 8 were
legal migrans, and 71 were U.S. born. Sixeen amilies described experiences wihdeenion or deporaion.29
In addiion, he auhor did home and school visis wih a smaller group o 12 ami-
lies. Tis allowed or observaion o he children in hese amilies, as well as oher
children inerviewed in heir neighborhoods and schools. Conac wih amilies ou-
side he inerview seting conexualized he inormaion gahered in inerviews.30
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Direct effects: Deportation’s
disastrous consequences
for families
We firs urn o he direc effecs ha deporaions have on amilies. I is imporan
o noe ha even in he vasly differen local conexs o Ohio and New Jersey
(paricularly in ligh o he differing approaches by local law enorcemen oward
immigraion), his repor finds ha children in boh places experience similar
consequences o enorcemen policies.
Children are mos direcly affeced when a paren is arresed, deained, or depored.
Tese orced separaions mean an abrup shif rom living wih wo parens o living wih jus one. For some children, he experience o living wih one paren may be
shor lived; parens ypically ry o reunie as soon as possible. Some do so by reurn-
ing o Mexico, bu many U.S. ciizen children remain in he Unied Saes, where
heir amilies atemp o reunie by reurning o America.31 For ohers, here may be
more longsanding effecs even afer he amily has been reunied, as financial and
emoional hardships rarely vanish even afer he immediae rauma o such an even.
Finally, or some children, a paren’s deporaion leads o a permanen change in
heir amily srucure and, in exreme cases, amily dissoluion.32
I is imporan o noe ha deporaion is a gendered process. While he
Deparmen o Homeland Securiy does no release he gender composiion
o deporees, research suggess ha, in mos cases, men are he ones who are
arresed, deained, and depored.33 A recen repor on Secure Communiies by he
Warren Insiue o he Universiy o Caliornia, Berkeley, ound ha 93 percen o
deainees under he program were male, even hough only 57 percen o he unau-
horized populaion is such.34 Researchers Broheron and Barrios inerviewed
Dominican deporees and ound ha 84 percen were male,35 while Hondagneu-
Soelo and Golash-Boza repor ha sudies in Mexico esimae ha 89 percen o
hose who are repariaed are male.36
Tus hese incidens do no jus resul in single parenhood bu single moher-
hood. Naionwide, children in single-paren households are 4.2 imes more likely
o live in povery han are children wih married parens. Te povery rae or
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10 Center for American Progress | How Today’s Immigration Enforcement Policies Impact Children, Families, and Com
single-moher amilies is 40.7 percen, compared o jus 24.2 percen or single-
aher amilies.37 Enorcemen policies leave womenmore so han menin
exremely vulnerable siuaions.
Here we examine boh he immediae effecs o deporaions on amilies, as well
as heir long-erm consequences.
Families torn apart
Mos o he mohers he auhor me successully kep heir amilies ogeher afer
a deporaion or deenion, bu one-quarer were unable o. For hese amilies, a
deporaion marks a permanen change in he composiion o he household.38
Children may be placed in oser care, he moher may become a single moher, or
he amily may ry o reurn o Mexico.
Children placed in foster care
One o he bigges ears ha amilies expressed in inerviews is ha parens may
lose cusody o heir U.S.-born ciizen children as a resul o a deenion or depor-
aion. Te auhor asked a 12-year-old girl, “Wha scares you?” She replied:
I don’t know … maybe they’re gonna report you. You know on the news they say
they report them. And then the kids stay here, but they get adopted.39
Laer in he inerview she wen on o explain:
Yea, ‘cause I’m scared, ‘cause maybe one day, they take her [Mom], and maybe
we’re at the mall, or we’re walking around. Just leave us all by yoursel, like what
happened when this girl … just because she went to the store to buy diapers …
and her daughter that was 10 or 11, they said that they took her.40
Tis concern is no simply hypoheical. A recen repor by he Applied Research
Council esimaes ha a leas 5,100 children are currenly in he U.S. oser caresysem and canno be reunied wih heir parens due o a parens’ deenion or
deporaionand 15,000 more could ace similar circumsances in he nex five
years. On average i coss sae and ederal governmens jus under $26,000 per
One of the bigg
fears that familie
expressed in
interviews is tha
parents may los
custody of their
U.S.-born citizen
children as a res
of a detention o
deportation.
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11 Center for American Progress | How Today’s Immigration Enforcement Policies Impact Children, Families, and Com
year o oser a child (beween mainenance and adminisraive coss), so his glu
o enries ino he oser sysem does no come cheaply.41
Te Applied Research Council repor deails hree pahways by which children o
deporees end up in oser care.
1. Some parens are depored afer hey have been involved wih Child Proecive
Services and are hen repored o Immigraion and Cusoms Enorcemen, he
agency involved in invesigaing immigraion cases. I is imporan o noe ha
being involved wih Child Proecive Services does no expressly mean ha
children suffered abuse in he households: Seveny-wo percen o child welare
issues involving Child Proecive Services come rom neglec raher han acual
abuse, and, as he Applied Research Council repor illusraes, ofenimes he
neglec can be synonymous wih povery, as i becomes difficul o adequaely
eed or clohe he child.42
2. Oher imes, he iniial repor o abuse or neglec leads o he discovery o he
undocumened saus. Such was he case o a Caliornia aher who was depored
afer leaving his children wih a babysiter, who hen lef hem unatended. Police
responded o call and arresed him. He was subsequenly depored.43
3. Bu, mos roubling, many parens have never had a reason o be involved wih
Child Proecive Services bu sill lose heir children because o an immigra-
ion violaion. In hese cases many Child Proecive Services view he enuous
naure o unauhorized saus as a reason o place he children wih a oser
amily. Tis happened o a moher in ucson, Arizona, who was arresed or
driving wihou a license. I she had been a U.S. ciizen, she would have been
released he same day and reurned o her children. Bu when she was deained
and held or Immigraion and Cusoms Enorcemen officials, her children were
lef unatended overnigh, which was viewed by he sae as being negleced,
and hey ended up in he oser care sysem. Te source o he “neglec” was he
moher’s arres and prolonged deenion by police, who kep her in cusody or
Immigraion and Cusoms Enorcemen.44
I is he final scenario ha parens and children ear he mos: Parens will losecusody o heir childrenno or being bad parens bu due solely o heir
undocumened saus.
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Perla resolved, a firs, o wai or him, bu wih ime she gained perspecive on his
abuse and moved on. She does no alk o her ex-husband, and he has no relaion-
ship wih his wo daughers.
Te deporaion o Perla’s ex-husband may be viewed as a blessing in disguise
because she was ulimaely able o ge ou o an abusive relaionship. Ye Perlasruggled as a single moher. She worked wo jobs, one a a gas saion in he
mornings and anoher cleaning a nigh. She would no be able o afford her
one-room aparmen i her younger broher had no moved in wih her. She also
depended on him or child care. Alhough her ex-husband’s amily suppored
her during boh o his incarceraions, hey have all bu disappeared since he was
depored. “Only once did his broher come and ake he girls ou o ea.” Perla’s
ex-husband only called rom Mexico once, bu he did no seem o know wha o
say and has no called back since.47
Gladys’s sory is similar. Her husband was depored afer he was arresed orinvolvemen in illici business aciviies. Gladys described him, oo, as being
abusive, and her lie urned upside down afer his arres. Beore he was depored,
she was a say-a-home moher. Tey had separaed once emporarily, bu Gladys’s
husband suppored her financially. Wih his arres, however, she was on her own.
She began o work an afernoon shif.
When inerviewed hree years laer, Gladys saw her children, ages 14 and 7, only
a ew hours per day during he week.48 Her ex-husband occasionally called rom
Mexico, bu 14-year-old Marjorie had litle o say abou her aher. “I don’ really
have much conac wih him,” she said. Her 7-year-old broher said, “I jus say hi
and pass i [he phone] on o my siser.”49
When emporarily separaed rom heir children, due o incarceraion in Perla’s
case and a rial separaion in Gladys’s case, boh ahers remained in conac wih
heir children. As deporees, neiher did. In he absence o economic ies o heir
children, he ahers’ emoional connecions alered.
Te separaion o ahers rom heir children is no all ha uncommon. Bu
research shows ha when ahers volunarily migrae, hey mainain conac wihheir children via regular phone calls, gif giving, and remitances.50 Children sill
eel resenul oward heir ahers or leaving, bu heir ahers remain a par o
heir lives, much he same as a divorced aher who shares cusody and visis wih
his children regularly.
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Deporaion, in conras, severs paernal bonds wih children. Scholarship shows
ha deporees ace high levels o sigma upon heir reurns; hey are viewed as ailed
migrans and ofenimes as criminals, even i he deporaion had nohing o do wih
a criminal offense. Deporees have rouble finding sable work, and hey canno sup-
por heir children rom heir home counries. Tey are also demoralized.51
While many American amilies ace single parenhood, in his case i is he acions
o he ederal governmen ha make he amilies so. Likewise, he precarious legal
saus o many o he parens lef behind leaves a double burden on hese amilies.
Repatriation to Mexico
Children and parens ear adopion due o a deporaion, bu an equally likely
scenarioa leas according o he amilies inerviewed or his reporis ha
he enire amily reurns o Mexico. Tis is wha sel-deporaion advocaes wan.By making lie exremely difficul or unauhorized migrans here, some hope hey
will reurn home, aking heir U.S.-born children wih hem.
For hese olks a reurn o Mexico is a success sory. Bu Sofia’s experiences show
why a reurn o Mexico is no a sory o riumph bu raher one o deeaone
in which U.S.-born children’s lives are negaively affeced, and heir educaional
opporuniies are curailed.
Te auhor firs me Sofia afer Immigraion and Cusoms Enorcemen released
her rom a deenion cener. A he ime, Sofia was sruggling o suppor her our
U.S.-born ciizen children afer her husband had been depored.
Sofia’s problems sared when local police deained her and her husband one nigh
when hey wen o Wal-Mar or diapers. Tey had lef he couple’s our children
wih Sofia’s broher, who lived wih hem. Te arresing officer said Sofia’s husband
had no sopped a a sop sign in he parking lo. Te couple was aken o he local
jail or wo days beore being sen o an immigraion aciliy. Tey go word home
abou wha happened, bu Sofia was no able o alk o her children or he our
days she was deained. A riend wen or he children and sen a lawyer o ge Sofiareleased. Sofia’s husband was depored direcly o Mexico.52 Sofia was released
wih an ankle monior srapped o her leg o keep rack o her whereabous unil
her nex cour dae, when her deporaion would be ordered.
While many
American famili
face single
parenthood,
in this case it
is the actions
of the federal
government tha
make the familie
so. Likewise, the
precarious legal
status of many o
the parents left
behind leaves a
double burden
these families.
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Sofia’s children knew litle abou lie in Mexico oher han he accouns rom
heir moher. When he auhor asked her 8-year-old daugher i she had an idea
o wha lie was like in Mexico, she answered simply, in a hushed voice, “Nope.”
Te 6-year-old was even harder o inerview; she had a speech impedimen and
had been born wih a birh deec. Sill, due o early inervenion and exra help a
school, by age 6 she was able o alkjus no a lengh wih a sranger. She smiledand nodded “yes” or “no” insead in response o he quesions.
Te oldes, age 12, verbalized more o wha she knew o Mexico, which was sec-
ondhand accouns rom he sories her moher old.
It’s poor there … my mom tells me about how she lived and that when her shoes
ripped, they had to buy it, but maybe like a year.53
Sofia waned o say in he Unied Saes, saying ha, “I don’ wan o go, ha is
wha I am going o say [o immigraion judge], ha I don’ wan o go. Here I havehe means o give hings o my children, and here [in Mexico], no, here I don’
have anyhing, no a house, nohing.”54
She could have ried o figh he deporaion, and wih a good lawyer she migh
have been eligible or a waiver o deporaion based on her daugher’s disabiliy.
Bu she was sill araid ha she would be depored, and ha her children would be
suck wihou her in he Unied Saes. She said:
I am not leaving without my children because I don’t want to leave them here.
Because I have seen on the news how they take them away, and I don’t want that. I
don’t know, I mean, you see I don’t have enough money right now. But I eed them
fom the ood I have, they have enough to eat. I am not going to leave them.55
Ulimaely Sofia decided o reurn wih her children o her parens’ rural home in
Chiapas, Mexico, a home she lef because here was no work. Her husband remained
in a neighboring own in he home o his own parens. I ook her monhs, however,
o orchesrae a reurn. “Wha I wan o do is o ge heir passpors and hen send
hem firs … ha is my decision,” she explained.56 Bu she did no have enough
money or he passpors and flighs, and she had o scramble and borrow unds overhe nex our monhs beore she finally lef wih her children. All our did no speak
Spanish well, having been educaed in U.S. schools or all o heir lives.
A reurn o Mexico can be very disrupive or U.S.-born children, who have been
raised in he Unied Saes. Te Pew Hispanic Cener esimaes ha 300,000
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U.S.-born children have moved rom he Unied Saes o Mexico since 2005.57
Research shows U.S.-ciizen children who reurn o Mexico wih heir depored
parens eel like exiles. One eenage girl repored o researcher Deborah Boehm,
or example, ha, “A home, I was on he phone all he ime or exing. Now we
don’ even have phone recepion. I hae school. I even go in a figh wih anoher
suden. I’m glad I can be wih my moher, bu I wish I were back in he U.S.”58
U.S.-born children who move o Mexico wih heir parens are also deprived o
he benefis o U.S. ciizenship such as access o healh care and insurance.59 Sofia’s
6-year-old daugher, or example, will no longer receive speech herapy in her
school, and she will have o learn o read and wrie in Spanish, somehing ha will
be difficul or her in a rural school wih ew educaional resources.
U.S.-ciizen children who have previously atended schools in he Unied Saes
suffer when hey reurn o school in Mexico; he ransiions beween school sysems
are no easy, and hey are especially difficul in rural areas. 60 Children who reurn oMexico find adjusing o he educaional sysem o be a challenge, boh in erms o
language and access issues and in discriminaion agains he children o reurnees.61
No only is he reurn disrupive, bu i robs he Unied Saes o hese children’s
uure poenial and produciviy, losing ou on he alen o naive-born ciizens.
Perhaps mos disurbing is he permanen loss o U.S.-ciizen children’s aspiraions
when hey reurn o Mexico. Sofia’s 12-year-old daugher, a U.S. ciizen, dreamed
o being a lawyer. “W hen she grows up, she says she is going o sudy, and ha she
wans o be a lawyer, ha she can help Hispanics,” explained Sofia. “Since I alk
wih her abou how we used o live over here [Mexico], she doesn’ wan o go.
I ell her ha I don’ wan her o go hrough he same hings ha I wen hrough
when I was a litle girl because I grew up in he counryside.”62
Sofia, similar o mos parens, waned o provide a beter uure or her children
han he one she hadha’s why she came o he Unied Saes in he firs place.
Te reurn o Mexico represens he deea o ha dream. Ye he reurn also repre-
sens he end o her daugher’s dreams or he uure.
Not only is the
return disruptive
but it robs the
United States of
these children’s
future potential
and productivity
losing out on th
talent of native-
born citizens.
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Long-term consequences
The economic fallout
Te economic allou o a deporaion is perhaps he mos significan o he long-erm consequences o immigraion enorcemen. Being hrus rom a amily in
which a aher is he primary breadwinner o one in which a moher is he sole
provider has a large impac on children’s daily lives. Unlike when a husband is
laid off or hur a work, sudden single mohers canno rely on unemploymen or
worker’s compensaion. And because many are undocumened, hey canno apply
or welare or ood samps or hemselves and heir amilies.
Bu while heir U.S.-ciizen children are eligible or social service benefis, research
shows ha undocumened parens underuse he social services available o heir
children due o heir ears o disclosing heir legal saus in he applicaion pro-cessor example aking up preschool educaion or communiy healh services.
Oher parens wrongly believe using social services a a young age would hinder
heir children’s abiliy o ge uure benefis such as suden loans.63
As Harvard Proessor Hirokazu Yoshikawa has il lusraed, his avoidance o
social services resuls in ar lower enrollmen raes in programs such as child
care or ood samps ha can help heir children’s early cogniive developmen, a
process ha grealy influences children’s abiliies and achievemens hroughou
he res o heir lives.64
Prior o a deenion or deporaion, amilies consiue a class o low-wage work-
ers. Wih a deenion or deporaion, amilies slip easily ino povery. For amilies
experiencing a deenion or deporaion, household income drops drasically rom
one day o he nex, which is a shock or amilies already geting by on low wages.
O he 16 cases o deporaion in his sudy, every single one described financial
hardship as a direc consequence o heir parner’s deenion or deporaion.
Mohers scrambled o find enough work and arrange or child care. “However i
urns ou, one suffers so, so much,” explained one moher whose husband had
been depored wice.65
Even mohers who coninue o live wih heir spouses described he financial
impacs rom hese enorcemen acs. Clara lives wih her husband in norheas
Ohio. wo years ago he was deained, bu he reused o sign he volunary removal
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orm and was never acually depored. Afer a nine-day sin in deenion, Clara
managed o find a lawyer o have him released. Clara had o come up wih $5,000
or bail and hen anoher $5,000 in legal ees over he nex ew years. Clara bor-
rowed money o pay off he debs hey had accrued. During an inerview wih he
auhor wo years laer, she said, “Righ now, we are in he red. … someimes we
don’ have enough even or ood.”66
A relaed impac is housing insecuriy. One moher, or example, relocaed eigh
imes wih her wo children in he hree years afer her husband’s deporaion.67
Anoher had o move in wih her siser: Afer her husband was depored, she
could no longer afford heir wo-bedroom condo on her salary as a resauran
hosess alone.68 A hird woman could no pay he ren afer her husband was incar-
ceraed or a speeding icke; she was only able o say in he house where she lived
wih her wo U.S. ciizen children because he landlord, also her husband’s ormer
boss, allowed her o skip paying he ren.69
Sofia was deained wih her husband, who was depored; she was evenually
released, wih he help o a lawyer, o her U.S. ciizen children. When she reurned
home wih he ankle monior locked around her leg, her cousinswho shared her
home wih hermoved ou because hey did no wan o risk Immigraion and
Cusoms Enorcemen finding hem here. She ell behind on he ren, unable o
afford he our-bedroom home on her own.70
I is also cosly or mohers o orchesrae he reunificaion o heir amilies. One
sruggled or monhs o save enough money or each o her our children’s pass-
pors in order o be able o ake hem back wih her o her husband, who was pre-
viously depored, in Mexico.71 Anoher waned o say in he Unied Saes wih
her hree U.S.-born children, bu he hours a her acory job had been cu back,
and she was no able o make ends mee. She decided ha he bes recourse was o
reurn o Mexico. Sill, she did no have enough money saved. She explained:
It’s just that right now I cannot leave because they don’t have their passports and
then … the baby … he doesn’t have his social security number yet. You see, I have to
get the social security card in order to apply or his passport. You see the problem?72
Alhough he financial consequences are he mos sriking, as hese cases illus-
rae, mohers also ace a remendous amoun o sress figuring ou how o reuniy
and suppor heir amilies financially during a husband’s absence.
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Emotional stress
Te sress o a separaion is el by all members o a amily. Mohers ake on he
burdens o amily subsisence. Tey also may wihdraw, raumaized by he inrusion
o he governmen ino heir amilies. Vanessa, or example, said, “I don’ eel sae
alking o he police … someimes I wan o dye my hair blond and have blue eyes.”73
Bu he emoional sress or children, who are ofen less verbal, is especially
disurbing. A repor by he Urban Insiue ound numerous changes in behavior
among children whose parens were deained or depored, as repored by heir
amilies, including increased requency o crying, loss o appeie, sleeplessness,
clingy behavior, and an increase in ear and anxiey.
A large lieraure on child developmen shows he derimenal effecs ha such anxi-
eies and he overall social environmen can have on early childhood developmen,
and wih i hese children’s uure successes, including hings such as school achieve-mens and earnings as aduls. Ensuring he successul developmen o all ciizen
children, regardless o heir parens’ immigraion saus, should be paramoun.74
Parens repeaedly repored how disressed heir children were during he periods
o heir husbands’ deenions or deporaions. Alhough many described heir
children as oo young o really undersand wha had happened, young children
inerviewed expressed awareness o he circumsances surrounding a deporaion.
Women also described he rauma heir parners experienced afer a deporaion or
deainmen. Vanessa explained how hard i was or her husband back in Mexico:
You see, in your country, when you go back, everyone adores you. But he arrived
[back to his hometown] and everything was bad, and he was ashamed. He
almost never went out o the house. He elt awul. He didn’t have money.75
Maria’s Honduran husband also el deeaed afer he was depored o Mexico. Te
day o his arrival, he was robbed and had his Mexican ID solen. She said:
Tey were going to deport him all the way to Honduras, and I said to him, “Here; I have some copies o the IDs,” and I said, “I will send you the papers.” And he
said, “What or?” I told him, “I sent a copy to my ather so that he can go and get
you wherever you are, or give me a ax number, something where I can send some
proo, the children’s birth certificates that prove you are their ather or our wedding
certificate. Tat way they can let you go.” He said, “No, don’t do anything.” 76
The stress of a
separation is felt
all members of a
family. Mothers t
on the burdens
family subsisten
But the emotion
stress for childre
who are often le
verbal, is especi
disturbing.
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Daily routines
Aside rom he long-erm financial and emoional consequences, a deenion or
deporaion direcly affecs amilies’ lives on a more minue level by drasically
alering heir daily rouines. Again, many o he issues ha newly single immigran
parens ace are similar o hose aced by oher single parens, bu he rauma ohaving a loved one depored, coupled wih heir own precarious legal sauses,
makes heir siuaion doubly disadvanaged.
For one, suddenly single mohers described crises wih child care. o illusrae:
One moher enered he workorce or he firs ime in 12 years afer her husband
was imprisoned and hen depored. Her daugher Marjorie, 11 years old a he
ime, became he primary child care provider or her 4-year-old broher in he
afer-school hours. Now 14 years old, he eenager explained, “My mom sared
working when I was in fifh grade. So I’ve been prety much aking care o my
broher since like fifh grade … i was a lo harder or me because I never reallyexperienced my mom going o work.”
A he end o he inerview, when asked how she hough ha immigraion
affeced young people, Marjorie added:
I guess it’s hard or us because my mom can’t really get an official proessional
job. So I guess, not trying to sound negative, but we’re probably gonna have
money problems most o the time. Maybe until I can work or something … I
don’t know. I’ve noticed that many Hispanic kids, they grow up aster than white
kids … because most Hispanic kids and their parents, well, both their parents
are working. So we usually have to grow up aster than usual kids do.77
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Wider ramifications: Deportation’s
destabilizing effects on children
and communities
Enorcemen acions have a devasaing impac on amilies, earing parens and
children apar and leaving a slew o economic and psychological rauma in heir
wake. Tey also poenially deny U.S.-ciizen children he righs oher children
born in America enjoyo live in sable amilies wih heir parens.
Ye his is no he ull sory. Focusing solely on hese acs o deporaion obscures
he insidious effecs deporaion policies have had on a much larger segmen o
he populaion. Inerviews wih children and amilies show ha i is crucial olook pas he experiences o amilies in which parens have been eiher deained
or depored. Even children in amilies who never have had a amily member in
Immigraion and Cusoms Enorcemen cusody alk abou he possibiliy o
being separaed rom heir parens, equae immigraion wih illegaliy, and associ-
ae a sigma wih immigran saus.
Te hrea o deporaion has significan consequences on children, heir amilies,
and enire communiies, inroducing insabiliy and insecuriy ino he lives o
housands o children growing up in he Unied Saes.78
Fears of separation
Research shows ha he hrea o deporaion affecs enire communiies, wih
members avoiding public spaces and eeling araid o inerac wih he police.79
Communiywide ears seep ino he consciousness o children, many o whom are
U.S. ciizens, despie parens’ bes effors o shield heir children rom hese ypes
o disresses ha are ulimaely ou o heir conrol.
Tese ears were perhaps bes illusraed in May 2010, in he wake o he passage
o Arizona’s ani-immigran law, S.B. 1070. Speaking a an elemenary school
in Silver Spring, Maryland, a second grader expressed her own concern or her
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parens, elling Firs Lady Michelle Obama ha, “My mom … she says ha Barack
Obama is aking everybody away ha doesn’ have papers. … my mom doesn’
have any papers.”80
Even places such as public schools, which are supposed o be sae spaces and or
which here is a consiuional righ o educaion wihou regard or immigra-ion saus, are under atack. Ani-immigran laws such as Alabama’s H.B. 56,
which mandaes ha school officials repor on he immigraion saus o heir
sudens and heir sudens’ parens, are a concered effor by resricioniss o go
afer unauhorized immigran children. No surprisingly, hen, he day afer H.B.
56 wen ino effec, 2,285 Laino sudens were absen rom Alabama schools.
Alhough he school-reporing provision o H.B. 56 is on hold pending legal chal-
lenges, i marks a new ronier or resricionis acion.81
Parents try to shield children from the threats of deportation
Parens view as one o heir primary roles o proec heir children. Te major-
iy o he 91 parens inerviewed el compelled o shield heir children rom he
hrea o deporaion. As a resul, many avoided alking o heir children abou
legal saus. Some el heir children were oo young o undersand he nuances o
immigraion policy. One moher insised ha her wo U.S.-born children do no
know ha she is undocumened:
No, no, they don’t know … but they do ask about it. My son asks me why I don’t
have a license. And I tell him that I don’t have a social security number but, no
… I think about them, and I don’t want to tell them because it’s a lot, it’s long to
explain, it’s too complicated.82
Parens believed i was imporan o proec heir children rom adul worries. A
moher o an 8-year-old explained, “No ... I have never alked o her abou i. ... I have
no pu any o hese ideas in my daugher’s head. I have never old her because her
mind is, righ now, wih her childhood, wih playing … wih her lie as a girl.” 83
Bu despie parens’ effors o proec children rom any ears relaed o legalsaus, inerviews wih children show ha hey are highly cognizan o he impli-
caions legal saus has or heir everyday lives. Children, regardless o heir own
legal saus, ear he auhoriies and being separaed rom heir parens.
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Undocumented children fear law enforcement
Undocumened children especially ear he police. Te undersanding ha hey
need o be careul around he police appears o kick in early, even hough parens
preer o shield heir children rom anxieies abou immigraion.
One 9-year-old recouned he sory o crossing he border wih his 7-year-old
broher wo years earlier, when hey were 5 years old and 7 years old. “When we
came here, he firs ime he police ound us, he second ime hey sen us back o
Mexico, he hird hey le us go, and he ourh ime hey le us go oo.”84 Neiher
broher disinguished beween he police and immigraion officials in he reelling.
In Ohio, hey coninued o view police as synonymous wih rouble, as heir
moher explained:
Tey know [about their legal status], and sometimes when I see a patrol car, Isay “Police in sight,” and they know that they have to sit up straight … then they
see that it has gone by, and the danger is gone, then they relax.85
Anoher moher explained ha her 11-year-old daugher, who was 9 years old when
she came o he Unied Saes rom Mexico, “has a grea ear o he police. She was
araid ha hey would send her back o Mexico.” She wen on o say ha a school:
Her biggest worry is this [her legal status]. She used to evade people so they
would not ask her questions because she was afaid that they would ask her or a
social security number … she started biting her nails out o worry.86
How do young undocumened children learn o be araid o he police? In a
hosile environmen, parens may ry o proec heir children by no alking abou
legal saus. Bu hey also need o communicae somehing abou he hrea o
deporaion o keep heir children sae.
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One undocumened 10-year-old, or example, said he does no alk o his parens
abou his legal saus, bu hen admited ha he is ofen worried abou being
sen back o Mexico. When he auhor asked him wha his parens say o his, he
answered, “Tey jus say i we see a cop, don’ ell hem we were born in Mexico,
or hey will ake us away.”88
Te relaive silence beween parens and children abou illegaliy increases chil-
dren’s sress abou he poenial impac ha legal saus has on heir lives.
In addiion, sudies show ha he hrea o deporaion makes amilies and com-
muniy members less rusing o police and oher governmen officials, while
researchers a he Universiy o Caliornia, San Diego, ound ha immigrans in
hyperacive enorcemen jurisdicions such as Norh Couny, San Diego, were
relucan o conac he police o repor crimes. When immigrans do no rus he
police, hey are less likely o repors crimes or o cooperae, and i limis he abiliy
o law enorcemen o do heir jobs keeping our communiies sae.89
Maria had met and married her Honduran husband in her hometown
of Tamaulipas, Mexico. Unable to make a living there, the couple
decided to come north in 2005, as members of Maria’s family had
already done. In Ohio both found work in factories; once their son,
Brandon, was born, they alternated shifts—Maria at night and her
husband in the morning—so that they would not have to leave their
son alone. They could not afford child care. The day before the inter-
view, Brandon had just turned 5 years old.
The author asked Brandon, who said his mother was Mexican and his
father Honduran, if anyone in his family had been back to Honduras.
“My dad and my uncle … they got them,” he answered.
“Who got them?”
“The police.” Brandon went on to explain, “Well, they were goin
work, and they went down a street they didn’t know. And there
police there. My uncle was driving, but they took them.”
The incident occurred six months earlier, when Brandon was on
years old. But he was not too young to understand the consequ
The incident clearly stuck out in his mind. Maria then explained
Brandon continued to be fearful of the police.87
Maria and Brandon: Young children fear law enforcement
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U.S.-citizen children also fear being separated
I is no only undocumened children who ear or heir amilies. U.S.-ciizen chil-
dren worry ha heir amilies will be ripped apar saring a very young ages.
Te auhor asked a 6-year-old i she ever eels scared ha her parens are immi-grans. She said yes, “because i I am here, and my mom goes o Mexico, I am
going o be sad because I would miss her.”90 A 10-year-old U.S. ciizen whose
moher has severe kidney disease and receives dialysis biweekly hinks her amily
is going o have o go back o Mexico someday, “[be]cause he policiales [sic.] are
looking or people ha don’ have papers o be here.”91 A 12-year-old boy is scared
his parens are immigrans because “we migh be apar.”92
Some o hese children had a riend or exended amily member deained by
immigraion officials. One moher, or example, said ha afer a close riend o he
amily was depored, she and her husband, boh undocumened, go heir hreechildrenwo U.S.-born ciizens and one undocumenedpasspors. She was
explici in explaining o hem ha i somehing similar happened o hem, hey
would all go back o Mexico ogeher.93
Mos o he children he auhor inerviewed, however, did no have such explici
plans o acion wih heir parens. None o he children inerviewed, or example,
carried around inormaion wih heir vials or conac phone numbers in he
even heir parens were deained, as has been occasionally repored in he news.
I is, in ac, he aura o ambiguiy and insecuriy ha is especially scary or chil-
dren. U.S.-born ciizens and undocumened children alike experience he hrea o
deporaion bu eel powerless o do anyhing abou i.
The media’s influence
One conribuing acor o children’s eelings o powerless is he news media. Children
may no know anyone in heir amilies or communiies who has been deained or
depored, bu hey hear abou his poenial oucome. Ofen his is because hey haveseen news coverage abou he increase in enorcemen acics naionwide.
While research has shown ha Spanish-language media ends o adop a more
posiive perspecive on immigraion sories han English-language media, i has
It is not only
undocumented
children who fe
for their families
U.S.-citizen child
worry that their
families will be
ripped apart
starting at very
young ages.
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also shown ha he Spanish-language news ocuses ar more on immigraion han
English-language oules, leading o ar more exposure abou he prevalence o
deporaions across he naion.94
A 10-year-old, when asked i she had ever seen someone have heir parens aken
away, old he auhor, “Yes, I’ve seen i on V.”95
A 12-year-old girl said she isscared ha he members o her amily are immigrans “because when ha hap-
pened on he news ha a lo o people were geting cached, like, um, came on
he door random and jus ook hem. Yeah, I go really scared ha ime.”96 When
a 9-year-old was asked abou wha she hinks i is like o be an immigran, she
answered “sad.” When he auhor asked why, she responded:
I saw a video o people, and they are immigrants, and one time they were going
back to Mexico, and the policeman caught them, and they took them. And they
had a daughter, and they le the daughter in the car.97
U.S.-born children who have never had any ineracion wih Immigraion and
Cusoms Enorcemen or wih he police hear rumors abou deporaions on he
news and eel araid ha his migh affec heir own amilies.
Misunderstandings about immigration
Children are no only araid o amily separaion, bu hey also are conused
abou i. As is eviden above, heir accouns conflae immigraion officials wih
police and vice versa. Wih more and more police disrics collaboraing wih he
Deparmen o Homeland Securiy oday, children are probably righ. Bu he
children inerviewed did no live in disrics wih ormal agreemens beween
local law enorcemen and he Deparmen o Homeland Securiy, atesing o he
rickle-down effecs o policies on local communiies naionwide.
Moreover, heir misundersandings go a sep urher: Tey no only conflae he
police wih he immigraion, bu hey also begin o view immigraion as equiva-
len o illegal.
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Equating immigration with illegality
Children in boh Ohio and New Jersey equaed immigraion wih illegaliy. Te
auhor asked children wha hey hough i was like o be an immigran. A 12-year-
old U.S.-ciizen boy said, “Tey mus be scared when hey, i hey cach hem, hen
hey have o go back o heir counry.”99
Anoher, age 12, said “Scary, because younever know i hey’ll wan your passpor. Tey cach you ou o nowhere. Tey come
and pu you in a ruck and send you back o Mexico.”100 A 10-year-old said ha while
mos in his amily are immigrans, he hinks i would be “weird” o be an immigran.
“Wha’s weird abou i?” he auhor asked him. “I hink ha, like, he people ha are
no rom here, hey are no supposed o be here” he answered.101
Ineresingly, children responded his way even afer given a definiion or an
immigran as simply being someone who is born in one counry and hen moves
o anoher counry o live.
Ten-year-old Andrea was born in the United States in 2001. Her
mother, Leticia, left the university in Mexico, where she was studying
law, to join her boyfriend in New Jersey. Leticia got pregnant as soon
as she arrived in New Jersey and had Andrea at the age of 21.
The relationship with Andrea’s father did not last; he became abusiveand, with the help of her in-laws, Leticia decided to raise Andrea on
her own. She worked two jobs, one in the morning and one after she
picked up Andrea from school in the afternoon. Andrea spent most
evenings with her cousins at her paternal aunt and uncle’s house.
Andrea’s father had returned to Mexico; she never saw him. She spoke
both Spanish and English but had never herself been to Mexico. She
knew a lot about Mexico, however, as her paternal grandmother
visited her grandchildren every year on a tourist visa.
The author asked Andrea if she knew what an immigrant is.
“Yeah, it is when someone is illegal in this country, and police-ICE
come to look for them to send them back to their country.”
Her eyes started to water when she then said her parents are im
grants. The author asked if she is proud that her parents are im
grants. She said “no.”
“Do you ever feel scared that they are immigrants?”
“Yeah,” she said, her chin quivering. “What scares you?” the auth
continued.
“When the police-ICE come, they will take them.”
Andrea confused being an immigrant with being undocument
“What do you think it is like to be an immigrant?”
“I think it is hard because you have to try not to be caught by p
ICE, and you would like to stay in this country to have jobs and
children to be legal in this country.”98
Andrea: Children equate immigrant with undocumented
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“I told him, ‘Don’t tell anybody. It’s a secret. Not the teacher, not the principal.
Or else I won’t be your fiend anymore.’”
“What did he say?”
“‘I promise, I won’t tell anybody about it.’” 105
Remarkably, even a 10-year-old boy whose moher is a U.S.-born ciizen expressed
reservaions abou ohers learning ha some members o his amily are immigrans.
“I somebody finds ou abou ha,” he explained, “hey migh make un o me.”106
Children learn, in school, ha his is a naion o immigrans. Bu under he hrea
o deporaion, “immigraion” and “undocumened” become synonymous, and
children associae a sigma wih immigraionurning i ino a mark o shame
raher han one o pride.
Elizabeth’s husband came to the United States first, to live with Eliza-
beth’s sister, when his job as a taxi driver was not enough to support
Elizabeth and the couple’s two young sons. Within months he felt
defeated, ready to return to Mexico, depressed without his family and
without any more money to support them.
At this point Elizabeth decided to join him in Ohio, where she could
work alongside him and help him save money. She left her boys, tod-
dlers at the time, with her mother in Mexico. But the child care strat-
egy did not last: Elizabeth’s mother called, and said she could not look
after the two boys, so Elizabeth and her husband sent for the boys.
Kevin, age 7, had lived in the United States for four years when the
author first met him. He had only attended school in the United
States. In an interview with the author, Kevin said he was born in
Mexico but did not know anyone in his family who is an immig
This was after the author gave him a definition of an immigran
someone who is born in one country and then moves to anoth
country to live. But when later asked point blank, “Are you an im
grant?” he admitted, “Yes.”
“Would you want your friends to know that you are an immigra
the author asked.
“No,” he answered.
“Why?”
“Because I would be ashamed.”102
Elizabeth and Kevin: Children internalize a stigma of immigrant status
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Conclusion and policy
recommendations
Deporaion policies are bad or children and heir amilies. Tey may perma-
nenly resrucure amilies, and hey have severe repercussions or amilies’ daily
rouines. Deporaions also have financial and emoional consequences or all
amily members. Tey especially shape he experiences o women who become
sudden single mohers when a aher is depored. Specifically, hey aler children’s
relaionships wih heir ahers.107
Deporaion policies are also especially harmul or children in he communiiesin which hey live. Mos children inerviewed had never had a direc inerac-
ion wih he Deparmen o Homeland Securiy. Bu hey described he ears o
poenial separaion rom heir parens. Tey also expressed many misundersand-
ings abou he roles o he police, Immigraion and Cusoms Enorcemen, and
immigraion in general. Finally, children express a sigma atached o immigraion,
as hey conflae “immigraion” wih “illegaliy.” Tey dissociae rom heir immi-
graion heriage.108
Cerainly he deporaion o people who have commited cerain serious crimes
and are hreas o our naional securiy will ineviably break up amilies. Bu here
are ways o recognize he imporance o amily unificaion and o miigae he
devasaing effecs o deporaion, especially or hose who have commited no
crimes, save or he civil penaly o being in he counry wihou saus.
o beter suppor children and amilies, we make he ollowing policy
recommendaions:
• Enact commonsense and comprehensive policy change. In he long erm, only
comprehensive immigraion reorm wih a pahway o earned legalizaion orunauhorized immigrans can gran long-erm securiy o parens in mixed-saus
amilies. Children need no be araid ha heir amily will be broken up due o
irregular sauses. Tey mus no learn o be ashamed o heir immigran heriage.
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• Modest legislative fixes can help, as well. On July 16, Rep. Lucille Roybal-
Allard (D-CA) inroduced he Help Separaed Families Ac, H.R. 6128, o
ensure ha children are no aken away rom heir relaives simply because o
heir parens’ immigraion saus. In July 2011 Sen. Al Franken (D-MN) and
Rep. Lynn Woolsey (D-CA) inroduced he Humane Enorcemen and Legal
Proecions or Separaed Children Ac, which would mandae sandards orimmigraion enorcemen when children are involved. Te bill would ensure
ha parens are kep inormed and are able o coninue o make decisions abou
he care o heir children, and ha he ineress o he children are aken ino
accoun in deenion, release, or ransers. Passing hese bills would go a long
way oward prevening children rom ending up in oser care while heir amily
members are deained or depored.109
• Expand executive action. In he shor erm, adminisraive acion can grealy
alleviae hreas o immigran amilies. Presiden Obama can and should
allow parens, especially hose supporing U.S.-ciizen children, o say in hecounry i hey have commited no crimes and are only guily o being in he
counry wihou saus.
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About the author
Joanna Dreby is assisan proessor o sociology a he Universiy o Albany, Sae
Universiy o New York and received her docorae rom he Ciy Universiy o
New York Graduae Cener in 2007. She is he auhor o he book Divided by
Borders: Mexican Migrants and their Children , as well as numerous oher aricles onamilies and immigraion. Dreby is an ehnographer o amily lie, whose research
ocuses on he ways migraory paterns and amilies’ decisions abou work and
child care affec children. Her curren work explores how legal saus affecs
amilies.
Acknowledgments
Te Foundaion or Child Developmen provided unding or his research proj-
ec. Ken Sae Universiy and he Universiy o Albany, Sae Universiy o New York also provided research suppor. Dreby is graeul o he many people in Ohio
and New Jersey, wheher oher academics, social service praciioners, educaors,
or concerned communiy members, whose cooperaion made his sudy pos-
sible. Dreby especially wans o acknowledge all he children who answered all
her quesions and so honesly shared heir very deep ears and insecuriies around
immigraion. Tis is no easy: Tank you or rusing enough o do so. Te auhor
would also like o hank Philip Wolgin a he Cener or American Progress or all
o his help wih his repor.
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Endnotes
1 Dan Kanstroom, Deportation Nation: Outsiders in Ameri-can History (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2007);Douglas S. Massey, Jorge Durand, and Nolan J. Malone,Beyond Smoke and Mirrors: Mexican Immigration in anEra of Economic Integration (New York: Russell SageFoundation, 2002).
2 Marshall Fitz, “Safer than Ever” (Washington: Center
for American Progress, 2011), available at http://www.americanprogress.org/issues/2011/08/border_secu-rity_brief.html
3 Molly O’Toole, “Analysis: Obama deportations raiseimmigration policy questions,” Reuters, September20, 2011, available at http://www.reuters.com/article/2011/09/20/us-obama-immigration-idUS-
TRE78J05720110920; Office of Immigration Statistics,Immigration Enforcement Actions: 2010 (Departmentof Homeland Security, 2011), available at http://www.dhs.gov/xlibrary/assets/statistics/publications/enforce-ment-ar-2010.pdf.
4 Seth Freed Wessler, “U.S. Deports 46K Parents withCitizen Kids in Just Six Months,” Colorlines, No-vember 3, 2011, available at http://colorlines.com/archives/2011/11/shocking_data_on_parents_de-ported_with_citizen_children.html.
5 Increased enforcement over the past few decades hasparadoxically led to greater settlement of unauthor-ized immigrants in the United States, and is one of thereasons that the unauthorized population itself h asgrown from 8.4 million in 2000 to 11.5 million today.
See Massey, Durand, and Malone, Beyond Smoke andMirrors; Leah Muse-Orlinoff, “Staying Put but Still inthe Shadows: Undocumented Immigrants Remain inthe Country Despite Strict Laws” (Washington: Centerfor American Progress, 2012), available at http://www.americanprogress.org/issues/2012/02/pdf/mexico_im-migration.pdf; Fitz, “Safer than Ever”; Jeffrey S. Passeland D’Vera Cohn, “Unauthorized Immigrant Population:National and State Trends, 2010” (Washington: PewHispanic Center, 2011), available at http://pewhispanic.org/files/reports/133.pdf. On the issue of how familiescope with deportation, see Women’s Refugee Commis-sion, “Torn Apart by Immigration Enforcement: Parental
Rights and Immigration Detention” (Washington, 2010).
6 Paul Taylor and others, “Unauthorized Immigrants:Length of R esidency, Patterns of Parenthood” (Wash-ington: Pew Hispanic Center, 2011); Randy Capps andKarina Fortuny, “Immigration and Child and FamilyPolicy” (Washington: The Urban Institute, 2006); KarenFortuny and others, “Children of Immigrants: Nationaland State Characteristics” (Washington: The UrbanInstitute, 2009).
7 Wessler, “U.S. Deports 46K Parents with Citizen Kidsin Just Six Month s”; New York University School ofLaw Immigrant Rights Clinic, “Insecure Communi-ties, Devastated Families: New Data on ImmigrantDetention and Deportation Practices in New York City”(2012), available at http://immigrantdefenseproject.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/07/NYC-FOIA-Report-2012-FINAL.pdf.
8 Nicholas de Genova, “The Deportation Regime:Sovereignty, Space, and the Freedom of Movement.”In Nicholas de G enova and Nathalie Peutz, eds., TheDeportation Regime (Durham: Duke University Press,2010).
9 Seth Freed Wessler, “Shattered Families: The PerilousIntersection of Immigration Enforcement and theChild Welfare System” (Washington: Applied ResearchCouncil, 2011). National averages on children in fostercare come from 2009 data analyzed by Nicholas Zill,“Better Prospects, Lower Cost: The Case for In creasingFoster Care Adoption” Adoption Advocate 35 (2011): 3,available at https://www.adoptioncouncil.org/images/
stories/NCFA_ADOPTION_ADVOCATE_NO35.pdf.
10 Office of Congresswoman Lucille Royal-Allard, “Rep.Roybal-Allard Introduces Help Separated Families Act toKeep Immigrant Families Together,” Press Release, July16, 2012, available at http://roybal-allard.house.gov/News/DocumentSingle.aspx?DocumentID=303274;First Focus Campaign for Children, “Humane Enforce-ment & Legal Protections (HELP) for Separated ChildrenAct,” available at http://www.ffcampaignforchildren.org/sites/default/files/HELPAct%20%282%29.pdf.
11 Memorandum from Director of Immigration andCustoms Enforcement John Morton, “ExercisingProsecutorial Discretion Consistent with the CivilImmigration Enforcement Priorities of the Agency forthe Apprehension, Detention, and Removal of Aliens,”June 17, 2011, available at http://www.ice.gov/doclib/secure-communities/pdf/prosecutorial-discretion-
memo.pdf.
12 Passel and Cohn, “Unauthorized Immigrant Population:National and State Trends, 2010.”
13 Office of Immigration Statistics, Immigration Enforce-ment Actions: 2010.
14 The Urban Institute, “Data from the Integrated PublicUse Microdata Series, Datasets Drawn from the 2005-2009 American Community Survey” (2011). This data isfrom 2009.
15 Joanna Dreby, “The Burden of Deportation on Childrenin Mexican Immigrant Families” Journal of Marriage andFamily 74 (2012): 829–845.
16 De Genova, “The Deportation Regime: Sovereignty,Space, and the Freedom of Movement.”
17 Immigration and Customs Enforcement, “Fact Sheet:Delegation of Immigration Authority 287(g) Immigra-tion and Naturalization Act” (U.S. Department ofHomeland Security, 2010), available at http://www.ice.gov/news/library/factsheets/287g.html.
18 In 2010 Mexican immigrants comprised 6.5 million ofthe estimated 11.2 million unauthorized immigrants,or 58 percent. Out of 11.75 million total foreign-bornMexicans living in the United States in 2010, an ad-ditional 5.25 million were U.S. citizens, legal permanentresidents, or legal immigrants. See Passel and Cohn,“Unauthorized Immigrant Population: National andState Trends, 2010”; Pew H ispanic Center, “Statisti-cal Portrait of the Foreign-Born Population in theUnited States, 2010” (2012), available at http://www.pewhispanic.org/files/2012/02/PHC-2010-FB-Profile-Final_APR-3.pdf.
19 Office of Immigration Statistics, Immigration Enforce-ment Actions: 2010.
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20 Center for American Progress Immigration Team, “6 Things You Need to Know About Deferred Action andDREAM Act Students” (2012), available at http://www.americanprogress.org/issues/2012/06/6_things_dream_act.html.
21 TRACImmigration, “ICE Prosecutorial DiscretionProgram: Latest Details as of June 28, 2 012” (Syracuse:Syracuse University, 2012), available at http://trac.syr.edu/immigration/reports/287/.
22 Douglas S. Massey and others, Return to Aztlan
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987); Massey,Durand, and Malone, Beyond Smoke and Mirrors.
23 The Urban Institute, “Data from the Integrated PublicUse Microdata Series Datasets Drawn from the 2005-2009 American Community Survey.” Note: Theseestimates refer to nativity not legal status.
24 On the three years and 10 years bars, see Immigra-tion Policy Center, “So Close and Yet So Far: How the
Three- and Ten-Year Bars Keep Families Apart” (2011),available at http://www.immigrationpolicy.org/just-facts/so-close-and-yet-so-far-how-three-and-ten-year-bars-keep-families-apart. Note that under immigrationenforcement prosecutorial discretion guidelines,noncitizen children of citizen parents have little fear ofdeportation themselves, but, that being said, obtainingpermanent legal status can be difficult. One such caseemerged from the author’s interviews: Anita’s husband,
for example, came to work in the United States in 1992as an undocumented immigrant. In 1996 he receivedlegal permanent residency (a green card) through hisemployer and subsequently submitted applicationsfor Anita and their only daughter at the time. For thenext 10 years, he returned periodically to the couple’srural home in Guadalajara, Mexico, every year to spendtime with his family. Anita maintained the family homeand land with the remittances her husband sent fromthe United States. During the 10 years that elapsedbetween application and approval, Anita and herhusband had four more children but did not know thatthey needed to add these new children to their im-migration application. So when Anita’s visa was finallyapproved, she and her oldest daughter were eligibleto migrate, but the four younger ones were not. Anitawent to the United States without them, leaving themwith her mother, but she could not bear the separation.Within a few months, the younger children crossed the
border to live with their parents, who are now natural-ized citizens. The four younger children are ineligible toapply for residency, despite their parents’ citizenship,due to their undocumented status. Personal interviewwith author, northeast Ohio, May 22, 2009.
25 Jeffrey Passel and D’Vera Cohn, “U.S. Unauthorized Im-migration Flows Are Down Sharply Since Mid-Decade”(Washington: Pew Hispanic Center, 2010), available athttp://www.pewhispanic.org/2010/09/01/us-unauthor-ized-immigration-flows-are-down-sharply-since-mid-decade/.
26 Pew Hispanic Center, “The Mexican-American Boom:Births Overtake Immigration” (2011), available at http://pewhispanic.org/files/reports/144.pdf.
27 U.S. Census Bureau, State & County Quickfacts, NewBrunswick, New Jersey (Department of Commerce,
2012), available at http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/34/3451210.html.
28 The sites strategically differ so as to explore the wayslocal contexts sh ape children’s experiences. Indeed,differences in enforcement practices exist. In Ohiostories of deportations often started with arrests forminor traffic infractions, whereas in New Jersey storiesof deportations most often started with more severeencounters with the law such as a DUI in one case or aspeeding ticket in another.
29 The author conducted all the interviews in Spanishor English, as requested—generally in Spanish withparents and in English with children. Most interviewstook place in families’ homes. Interviews with parentswere semistructured, while interviews with childrenfollowed a structured format. The author adapted ques-tions to the child’s age, posing more simple questionsto younger children and using more in-depth questionswith older children.
30 The author obtained approval from the institutionalreview boards at Kent State University and the State
University of New York at Albany for all phases of thisstudy. She also received a certificate of confidentialityfrom the National Institutes of Health to further protectthe identities of the study participants. All names thatappear in this report are pseudonyms.
31 For information on the number of U.S.-citizen childrenwho have returned to Mexico, see Silvia Giorgula andEdith Gutierrez “Migracion international y asistenciaescolar” paper presented in XI Reunion Nacional deInvestigation Demografic,” Aguascalientes, Ags., May30, 2012 to July 1, 2012; Victor Zuniga “Migracioninternational y trayectorias escolares en Jalisco 2010,”paper presented in XI Reunion Nacional de Investiga-tion Demografica,” Aguascalientes, Ags., May 30, 2012to July 1, 2012.
32 For a visual depiction of the burden of deportationon children, see the deportation pyramid in Dreby,
“The Burden of Deportation on Children in MexicanImmigrant Families.”
33 David Brotherton and Luis Barrios, Banished to theHomeland: Dominican Deportees and their Stories ofExile (New York: Columbia University Press, 2011); TanyaMaria Golash-Boza, Immigration Nation: Raids, Deten-tions, and Deportations in Post-9/11 America (Boulder:Paradigm, 2011); Pierette Hondagneu-Sotelo and TanyaMaria Golash-Boza, “Latino Immigrant Men and the De-portation Crisis: A Gendered Racial Removal Program?”Unpublished manuscript, held by author.
34 Aarti Kohli, Peter L. Markowitz, and Lisa Chavez,“Secure Communities By the Numbers: An Analysisof Demographics and Due Process” (Berkeley: ChiefJustice Earl Warren Institute on Law and Social Policy,2011), available at http://www.law.berkeley.edu/files/Secure_Communities_by_the_Numbers.pdf.
35 Brotherton and Barrios. Banished to the Homeland .
36 Hondagneu-Sotelo and Maria Golash-Boza, “LatinoImmigrant Men and the Deportation Crisis: A GenderedRacial Removal Program.”
37 Women’s Legal Defense and Education Fund, “ReadingBetween the Lines: Women’s Poverty in the UnitedStates, 2010.”
38 Note that this sample, out of 16 total families, is toosmall to be fully representative.
39 Personal interview with author, central New Jersey,January 24, 2011.
40 Ibid.
41 Wessler, “Shattered Families”; Zill, “Better Prospects,Lower Cost.”
42 Wessler, “Shattered Families.”
43 Ibid.
44 Ibid.
45 Personal interview with author, central New Jersey,November 11, 2011.
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46 Frank Furstenberg and Andrew J. Cherlin, DividedFamilies: What Happens to Children When Parents Part (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1994).
47 Personal interview with author, central New Jersey,January 20, 2011.
48 Personal interview with author, central New Jersey,January 9, 2011.
49 Personal interview with author, central New Jersey,January 13, 2011.
50 Dreby, Divided By Borders.
51 Brotherton and Barrios, Banished to the Homeland .
52 Personal interview with author, northeast Ohio, August2, 2009.
53 Personal interview with author, northeast Ohio, August4, 2009.
54 Personal interview with author, northeast Ohio, August2, 2009.
55 Ibid.
56 Ibid.
57 Pew notes that many of these immigrants moved vol-
untarily, “but a significant minority were deported andremained in Mexico.” Jeffrey Passel, D’Vera Cohen, andAna Gonzalez-Barrera, “Net Migration from Mexico Fallsto Zero—and Perhaps Less” (Washington: Pew H ispanicCenter, 2012) .
58 Deborah Boehm, “Out of Place: Youth and Deportationin the U.S.-Mexico Transnation,” Annual Meeting ofAnthropology of Children and Youth Interest Group,Society for Cross-Cultural Research, and Society forAnthropological Sciences, Charleston, South Carolina,2011.
59 “US Born, Living in Mexico and Ineligible for BasicServices,” Associated Press, July 18, 2012, available athttp://latino.foxnews.com/latino/news/2012/07/18/us-born-living-in-mexico-and-ineligible-for-basic-services/#ixzz22CpMPPSn.
60 Victor Zuñiga and Edmund T. Hamman, “Going Home?Schooling in Mexico of Transnational Children,”Confinesde Relaciones Internacionales y Ciencia Politica 2 (4)2006.
61 Damien Cave, “American Children, Now Struggling toAdjust to Life in Mexico,” New York Times, June 18, 2012,available at http://www.nytimes.com/2012/06/19/world/americas/american-born-children-struggle-to-adjust-in-mexico.html?pagewanted=all.
62 Personal interview with author, northeast Ohio, August2, 2009
63 On immigrant reluctance to use social services fortheir eligible children and the cognitive effects ofsuch choices, see Hirokazu Yoshikawa, ImmigrantsRaising Citizens: Undocumented Parents and Their YoungChildren (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 2011),
chapter 3.
64 Ibid.
65 Personal interview with author, northeast Ohio, Sep-tember 22, 2009
66 Personal interview with author, northeast Ohio, Octo-ber 9, 2009
67 Personal interview with author, central New Jersey,January 9, 2011.
68 Personal interview with author, northeast Ohio, Sep-tember 26, 2009.
69 Personal interview with author, central New Jersey,February 3, 2011.
70 Personal interview with author, northeast Ohio, August2, 2009
71 Ibid.
72 Personal interview with author, northeast Ohio, Sep-tember 22, 2009.
73 Personal interview with author, northeast Ohio, Sep-tember 26, 2009; Angela S. Garcia and David G. Keyes,“Life as an Undocumented Immigrant: How RestrictiveLocal Immigration Policies Affect Daily Life” (Washing-ton: Center for American Progress, 2012), available athttp://www.americanprogress.org/issues/2012/03/pdf/life_as_undocumented.pdf.
74 Ajay Chaudry and others, “Facing Our Future: Childrenin the Af termath of Immigration Enforcement”(Washington: The Urban Institute, 2010), available athttp://carnegie.org/fileadmin/Media/Publications/fac-ing_our_future.pdf. To understand the links betweenundocumented status, early developmental stress,
and later outcomes in school and everyday life, seeYoshikawa, Immigrants Raising Citizens, pgs. 14-15.
75 Personal interview with author, northeast Ohio, Sep-tember 26, 2009.
76 Personal interview with author, northeast Ohio, Sep-tember 18, 2009.
77 Personal Interview with Author, central New Jersey,January 13, 2011.
78 De Genova, “The Deportation Regime.”
79 Cecilia Menjivar, “The Power of the Law: Central Amer-ica’s Legality and Everyday Life in Phoenix, Arizona,”Latino Studies 9 (2011).
80 Stephanie Condon, “Second Grader to Michelle Obama:
‘My Mom Doesn’t Have Any Papers,’” CBS News, May 19,2010, available at http://www.cbsnews.com/8301-503544_162-20005436-503544.html?tag=contentMain;contentBody.
81 Marshall Fitz, Philip E. Wolgin, and Ann Garcia,“Triumphs and Challenges on the 30th Anniversary ofPlyler v. Doe” (Washington: Center for American Prog-ress, 2012), available at http://www.americanprogress.org/issues/2012/06/plyler.html; Tom Baxter, “Alabama’sImmigration Disaster: The Harshest Law in the LandHarms the State’s Economy and Society” ( Washington:Center for American Progress, 2012), available at http://www.americanprogress.org/issues/2012/02/pdf/ala-bama_immigration_disaster.pdf.
82 Personal interview with author, central New Jersey, May23, 2009.
83 Personal interview with author, northeast Ohio, May 20,2009.
84 Personal interview with author, northeast Ohio, May 23,2009.
85 Personal interview with author, northeast Ohio, May 20,2009.
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