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CZŁOWIEK I SPOŁECZEŃSTWO T. XLII, 2016

ADEL AYADA

TRANSFORMATIONS IN THE LIVES OF BEDOUIN WOMEN IN THE VILLAGES

OF NORTHERN ISRAEL

Abstract. Adel Ayada, Transformations in the Lives of Bedouin Women in the Villages of Northern Israel, edited by K. Brzechczyn, “Człowiek i Społeczeństwo” vol. XLII: Modelowanie świata społecznego. Założenia – rekonstrukcje – analizy [On Modeling of the Social World: Assumptions – Reconstruc-tions – Analysis], Poznań 2016, pp. 297-321, Adam Mickiewicz University Press. ISSN 0239-3271.

The purpose of this article is to study the status of Bedouin women in northern Israel in the past and today in the light of modernization processes. I will examine a number of factors that have affected this status over the past fifty years in social, economic, educational and religious areas. In the past, the occupation of the Bedouin woman did not deviate from the boundaries of the home and mainly entailed the preparation of food, the raising of the children, and the performance of the housework. She was helped by support systems, such as her family of origin and her husband’s family. In Bedouin society the traditional family constituted both an economic and a social unit. All its members worked to ensure its safety and existence in the tribal format before the shift to modernization, which ex-posed the families to new and unknown situations, without alternative instruments, and left them powerless to deal with the painful reality (Ben-David, 1981: 52).

There are types of behavior that we can understand accord-ing to the accepted verification of information, while there are types of behavior, or lifestyles, that can be understood (I’m not saying justified) only by that people, and that is how it is with the Bedouin.

Devereux, 1908

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Introduction

From the Western perspective, women in Bedouin society are discriminated against, and perceived as being controlled by men in a way that infringes upon their freedom. Indeed, traditionally the Bedouin woman neither can make decisions on her own, nor is she an independent person with full agency, but an integral part of the male experience, and she is perceived as the property of a man or her husband. A daughter belongs to her father, and after she marries, she moves from her father’s home to her husband’s home. This social arrangement is characteristic of patriarchal societies led by men.

A Bedouin woman is taboo in many ways that aim at her isolation from other men and strangers. She is forbidden from sitting in the company of men and cannot decide about social, economic, or educational issues. She is not an equal participant in managing the household, even though keeping the household is her responsibility. Her movement is restricted, and she mainly stays at home with her children while her husband goes out and meets with outsiders. A Bedouin man has the status of the family breadwinner and is the one who decides about crucial family matters, such as, for instance, the children’s marriage. The role of the woman is to deliver children and raise them. However, this responsibility comprises de facto her contribution in the perpetuation of the male world. The woman cares above all for the boys until they become adult men, and a woman who gives birth to many male children is perceived as fulfilling her role in the best way possible.

Bedouin society, however, is in a process of sharp changes and these profoundly influence the status of Bedouin women. In the first stage of the process of transition, the traditional Bedouin woman has transformed from a productive figure with sources of power and tools that gave her power and resources, to a needy figure. This change has brought with it a profound identity crisis that is accompanied by a lack of self-esteem and economic and social dependence.

A number of studies have examined the status of women in Bedouin society, some of which show the above mentioned tremendous changes that Bedouin society is undergoing (Abu-Rabia-Queder, 2006; Abu-Saad, 1995; Alatona, 1993; Rimlet, 1991). Various aspects of these transformations affect men and women differently. It can be said, on the basis of existing literature and my own observations, that men come in direct contact with the agents of change, while the women remain tied to their homes and families. Para-doxically, from the women’s perspective their social life becomes even more

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limited than in the recent past. The access of Bedouin women to education and work, for example, still depends on the status of the men in the family, who act as their guardians and husbands. Transformations in social relations resulting from interaction with the outside world and economic relations seem faster than changes in the worldview of the Bedouin society. This outlook continues to be permeated with concepts such as honour and shame and secured by the confinement of women to home and meant to keep or raise family status in the community (Kassam, 2002; Pesta-Shubert, 2005).

The Bedouin are a small ethnic group living as a minority in the State of Israel, separated spatially from the Jewish towns and villages. Ethnically and linguistically they are a part of Arab society, but for the most part they are partly rejected by the rest of the Arab population because of their dif-ferent lifestyle and especially because of their military service in the army of the State of Israel.

Today, Bedouins live as residents in villages and towns. They experi-ence modernization, which has been forced upon them (no doubt, some of them were co-opted into this project) and adapt to the new and incessantly evolving situation. In this process, the family relationships have begun to change, namely loosen. In the eyes of the elders, the new generations are slowly losing their heritage and ignoring or reinterpreting their family laws and their dignity and honour.

Because of the transition from a nomadic lifestyle to a settled lifestyle in villages, a large number of Bedouin children have been raised in villages and have grown up with the laws of the State and in the modern economic and social environment, and not according to the customary tribal principles held by their forefathers. These younger generations do not identify with Bedouin tradition, and rather they feel a part of Arab society; the latter has a strong influence on the daily life in Bedouin communities. Again, the older Bedouins maintain that their society is becoming similar to that of modern Arabs. One of the most important results of this cultural transformation is the noticeable loosening of the close family ties.

Most of the research studies conducted on the Bedouin and the status of the women have addressed the Bedouin society in the South of Israel – in the Negev Desert (as in Abu Rabia Sarab, 2000; Alatona, 1993; Ben-David, 1981; Pesta-Shubert, 2005). About Bedouin society in the North of Israel there are very few research studies.

This article will address the following question. What are the changes that have occurred in the status of the Bedouin woman from the establish-ment of the State until today?

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As a young man who lives in a Bedouin community near Jewish com-munities, I have always been interested in the cultural life of the Bedouin. I decided to focus on the figure and role of a Bedouin woman, since she is undergoing changes from leading a life in the family and the village to a life that is associated with “modern times” – with study and job opportunities in the outside world. This situation is perceived by village elders as a rebellion against the Bedouin social norms. However, in the eyes of young people, the opposite is true: it appears as a positive change that contributes to the wellbeing and economic situation of the family.

Aside from the cultural components, this work has taught me to under-stand the difference between people, both in the aspect of gender (men – women) and in the aspect of age (younger women – older women).

Research Method – Research Design

The article is based on my own ethnographic research. All the interviewees were Arabic speakers and therefore the questionnaires and interviews were conducted in the Arabic language, which is the native language of all the interviewees. Every interview for the filling out of the questionnaire lasted up to three hours and sometimes even longer. From the linguistic point of view, conducting interviews was not a problem for me, since I come from the Bedouin community and I speak Arabic. This is what is called ‘anthro-pology from home.’

Sample and Sampling Method

For the purpose of this research study, 20 women and 20 men, ranging in ages from 18 to 55, were asked questions. All the respondents agreed to participate in the study voluntarily, and without any compensation. They participated out of their own free will and had the right to end their conver-sation with me at any time.

Research Instruments

In my study I used an open ethnographic questionnaire. This research instru-ment is an accepted method in the field of the social sciences. The ques-

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tionnaire is a convenient tool for use. In addition, the questionnaires given to the research respondents are uniform and the responses are recorded in a uniform manner that enables rapid and efficient analysis of the findings.

The questionnaire examines different aspects. It collects the respondent’s personal information, addresses a general description of the Bedouin life, examines the role of the Bedouin woman according to the traditional and modern perception, presents questions on the transition from a nomadic life to permanent settlement and its influence on the life of the Bedouin woman, and investigates the issue of marriage and divorce in the Bedouin population.

It was a little difficult to set the meetings clearly with the older women (they are indifferent to time). Some of them were also suspicious about some of the questions.

The research study was conducted in several stages in the months of March through July 2015. It was explained to the respondents that the questionnaire would constitute the basis for the writing of an article on the status of the Bedouin woman in the North of Israel and is a part of my research study in the framework of a doctoral dissertation. The respondents were asked to answer the questions honestly and to indicate their position accordingly.

The Origin and History of the Bedouin

The term ‘Bedouin’ was given by the residents of the village and city and originates in the Arabic word badiyah, which means desert. The Bedouin call themselves Aaravi, which means pure Arab, and the Bedouin tribe describes in essence the group of Arabs to which it belongs.

Additional reference to the concept of “Bedouin” can be found in two complementary definitions. The first addresses the Arab nomads who live in tents, while the second addresses Arabs who identify with a tribe and not with a place (Ashkenazi, 1972; Ibn Khaldun, 1966).

According to many accounts, the Bedouin originate from the tribes who have wandered in the Arabian deserts, Syria, the Fertile Crescent, the Sinai Peninsula, Egypt, Libya, and Algeria (Ben-David, 2004; Medzini, 1984).

This commonly accepted story about the Bedouin living in the State of Israel can be found in the words of my informant A’1, a woman who is 39 years old.

1 All informants are anonymized and I use pseudonyms for them.

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The Bedouin are in essence Arabs. They are a minority in Arab society. They have customs different from those of the Arabs in Israel. This society is characterized by tremendous conservatism. Bedouin society in Israel is also divided into parts. There are certain levels. Some of the families are considered more Bedouin than others. The accent of Bedouin society is different from the rest of the Arab population and the manner of dress and the ways of life are too.

Moshe Shohat and Yosef Ben-David (2000) maintain that the Bedouin in the land of Israel attribute themselves to the Arab tribes in the Arabian Peninsula. They see this to be their homeland, their culture, and the herit-age of Arab culture, which began in the ‘authentic’ desert Bedouin culture. For them, for three thousand years of history very little changed, and even the transformations they experienced in the period of the Ottoman Empire did not succeed in blurring their identity. The Bedouin culture was shaped in the context of a relative separation from the other Arab cultures. One of the value-oriented elements important for Bedouins, an element that in their opinion preserves their separation and uniqueness, is the notion of al etzel ve’al petzel (attribution and origin). Although the origin of many tribes is not clear, it is interesting that tribes that are not seen as “true Bedouins” by those who perceive themselves as ‘true Bedouins,’ do all they can to be considered as such. The reason is that being Bedouin has in their eyes a high status, probably because of their Arab origin, and in the Negev most of the groups that were once considered non-Bedouin want to be considered and registered as Bedouin.2

The Bedouin have adjusted themselves and their lifestyles according to the conditions of the countries where they live. Thus, in countries with considerable pastureland, the Bedouin shepherd sheep, cattle, and camels. Myths about the Bedouin preying on convoys of travellers rarely could be

2 Regarding the desire to be considered ‘true Bedouin,’ the intention is to the non-Bedouin citizens who are in essence Fellahin Arabs or not of Bedouin origin or who have married a Bedouin woman. They want to be considered Bedouin because the government and the laws in the State of Israel address the Bedouin better, particularly the Bedouin in the North of Israel. In the South of Israel the government does not differentiate well between the “true Bedouin”, who are members of the original ancient tribes of the Negev, and the Fellahin Arabs, Arabs who came from Egypt or from South Gaza, and settled in the Ne-gev out of different considerations, mostly economic. In the past the Bedouin constituted a closed community that did not allow its women to marry outside of the tribe, so as to preserve the purity of the blood. Another reason that Arabs want to be considered Bedouin is that the Bedouin can join the Israeli army if they want and military service provides them with benefits (Aharoni, Reuven [2006]).

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confirmed and attacks on residents and agricultural communities were spo-radic. This would be done to steal cattle or settle blood feuds. Unsurprisingly, under the influence of many factors, the life of the tribes became different over time. Thus there is a difference between the semi-mobile tribes and the permanently settled tribes (Bedouin Database website).

According to Sigal Tal (1994), in previous periods many compared the Bedouin to people from the Bible, where the figure of the Bedouin was delineated on the background of the loneliness of the desert. However, this picture was not faithful to the lives of certain Bedouin at certain times, and it definitely does not characterize their lives today in Israel. Bedouin soci-ety in the Negev is commonly divided into three groups according to three forms of settlement: semi-nomadic, spontaneous settlement, and settlement in the villages established by the government (Spector Ben-Ari, 2013). It is important to remember that this situation, including the trend to permanently settle populations that were nomadic and semi-nomadic, is not unique to Israel. The settlement in villages notes a significant change in the Bedouin’s life, and it entails loss of assets and social change.

I chose to address the years after the founding of the State of Israel. In these years enormous changes occurred among the residents of the state in general and among the Bedouin in the Negev in particular. Some families fled or were deported to Jordan and Sinai, some returned to Israel, and in 1953 the Bedouin population in Israel consisted of about 11,000 people, or in other words, about one-sixth of its population in 1948. Although the Bedouin in the Negev were considered citizens of Israel, until 1966 they lived under military rule, which decisively influenced the civilian areas of life. Because of these conditions, the tribe became a political unit, whose leader was the Sheikh appointed by the government, with his consent. At the beginning of the 1950s the Bedouin were removed from their lands and settled in the Sajur area in the Beersheva valley, which constitutes about one-tenth of the land populated by them previously. Today, as well, most of the Bedouin are found in this region (Ben-David, 1985).

The question of the ownership of the lands both in the Sayag area (the triangle of land between the cities of Dimona, Arad, and BeerSheva) and in the spaces that the Bedouin left in the 1950s has remained and continues to influence the plans for regional development in general and the settlement of the Bedouin in particular. The State of Israel decided to solve this problem by the development of a plan for permanent communities of the Bedouin in the Negev. The main theme of the plan is the final surrender of the Bedouin of the lands they dispute with the State, in return for lands and residential

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infrastructures that the State provides for them in the seven townships that it established in the Sayag area (Tal, 1994).

Today, the Bedouin consist of 220,000 people (as of 2013) and they are characterized by a variety of forms of settlement, which range from nomad-ism to urbanization. Over the years, the traditional life of nomadism has steadily disappeared, and today only approximately 10% of the Bedouin live in peripheral tent communities, found entirely in the Eastern and Southern Negev. About 50% of the Bedouin population (about 30,000-35,000 people) are found in spontaneously erected village communities, dispersed in the BeerSheva valley and near the Bedouin townships (these communities are called the ‘Dispersal’). These communities, constructed of shanties and shacks, lack the indications of an orderly and organized modern community (Tal, 1994).

Many Bedouins perceive such politics negatively. In an interview I con-ducted with B’, a woman aged 55, I asked her to tell me about the system of relations created between the Jews and the Bedouin. She was strident in her argument that there is clear and intentional unfairness on the part of the State authorities against the Bedouin population.

There is discrimination on the part of the State and its institutions against the Bedouin. The Bedouin and the Jews live together out of lack of choice and attempt to accept this. Some of them have dignity and full protection, while others have hatred.

D’, a woman who is 48 years old, adds information about the system of relations and the connections created between Jews and Bedouin according to their perception.

In comparison to the past, now there are relations with the Jews, but these are for the purpose of studies and business, or in other words, not a friendship from the heavens. They know one another if they learn together in school or at the university or if there is business between them.

The Culture of the Tent and Nomadism

The traditional Bedouin tent, or in its accepted name beyt al-shaar, is built of strips, which comprise sheets woven from the hair of black goats. The role of the Bedouin woman is to work the hair, to make it into strings, and then to sew and connect the sheets from which the tent is built. One of the prominent advantages of the Bedouin tent is the possibility of transforming it into an ideal home for living in the desert, which takes into consideration

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the extreme changes of the weather and the special lifestyle of the Bedouin. Moshe Shohat and Yosef Ben-David (2000) note that the suitability of the traditional Bedouin tent to the desert conditions is expressed in two main areas: the materials that build the parts of the tent and the position of the tent during the different seasons of the year. When the tribe is interested in moving from place to place, it is possible to take down the tent, to fold it according to a certain order of folds, to put it on a camel’s back for trans-portation, and then to erect it anew in the desired place. The inner structure of the tent is divided into two main sections, separate in their form and role. The first section, the men’s section (on the right), is the mikad al regal or shik (the hosting section), while the second section is the women’s section (on the left), the mecharem or mecharema (the section for residence and children). Between the two sections there is a special sheet, which creates an extreme separation between the two sexes in almost all areas of life. Among the Bedouin who live in the south of Israel, the northern part of the tent is the area of the women, while the southern part is the area of the men, in which all the social activity of the men in the family is held. The women’s many roles include an important role in the hosting of the guests, although it is prohibited for the Bedouin women to be found in the men’s section. Girls who reach sexual maturity cannot enter the section of the men, unless their guardian father, husband, brother, or uncle, calls them to enter. In this case, the woman or adolescent girl must cover her face (from the Bedouin database website).

A’, a man who is 44 years old, gives a general description of the changes in the lives of the Bedouin over the years:

There have been changes in the lives of the Bedouin residents, where the first change is expressed in that there has been a process of urbanization of sorts. Many families have moved to live from tents to regular homes and villages. The changes that were created were forced on them because of the conflict with the general surrounding modern society, in other words, Western society. Despite the modernization, the society is still considered a conservative society and it upholds even more than ever certain patterns...

G’, a woman who is 50 years old, describes the life of the Bedouin who live in the State of Israel according to her perspective as follows:

I see the Bedouin as an inseparable part of the Muslim Arab people, but the Bedouin in the State of Israel are repressed by the State. On the one hand, the State wants them to leave the life of nomadism and live in permanent communities, but the Bedouin are not willing to do this, arguing that this is the tradition and it has supreme value in the identity of every person and

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particular in that of the Bedouin who have lived for generations according to this lifestyle.

I think that there is a hostile system of relations, since the Bedouin say that ‘they’ stole the lands and tradition from us and ‘we’ will steal from them their property.

The Role of the Bedouin Woman According to the Traditional and Modern Perception

To describe the role of the Bedouin woman according to the traditional perception, I chose to divide the woman’s roles into two spheres: the home and family sphere, and the public-tribal sphere.

The status of the Bedouin woman in the home-family sphere is that of-ficially the man is the one who makes the decisions in the family. However, in all the decisions relating to the family matters, the woman has consider-able influence. For example, on the topic of the choice of a husband for their daughter or a wife for their son, the man takes into consideration his wife’s opinion. It is important to note that the woman’s degree of obedience to her husband is expressed in the extent to which she listens to his directives and does not dispute his decisions. In contrast to the status of the woman in the home-family sphere, it is possible to see that in the public-tribal sphere her role is more marginal. The Bedouin woman is not permitted to participate in any tribal institution that makes decisions on the matters of organization and procedures of the tribe, since the problems are discussed among the tribal elders, who are men, without any representation of women. In addition, the woman is forbidden to appear in public, and even small talk with a man from outside of her family may arouse the wrath of her family members (The Bedouin database website).

When A’, a woman who is 48 years old, was asked to write what in her opinion the role of the Bedouin woman in the home sphere and in the public sphere is, she responded:

In the home sphere she is responsible for everything, for the housework, the cooking, the care of the children and the husband. In the public sphere, if she works then she contributes to her workplace, but she cannot influence matters considerably since always there is a wall before her. It should be noted that there are women who cannot leave the home and therefore their role in the public sphere is nil.

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Magda Hanosh Seroji (1995) addresses the role of the Bedouin woman as a mother as the role that constitutes the primary limitation for the woman. She maintains that the role occupies the women for a long period of time, an occupation that takes up most of her time during the day. Even in the situation that the Bedouin woman works outside of the home, she has an additional occupation in the home and in raising the children, and thus she is left with no time for additional pursuits in public and political matters. It is necessary to remember that for the women themselves, to be a mother is considered a main factor that changes the woman and therefore women who have not experienced the experience of motherhood or who have not experienced pregnancy are often considered incomplete women. Because of the nature of Arab society in Israel, the status of the Bedouin woman at the time of the establishment of the country was very inferior in comparison to the status of the man.

Now I will describe the reasons for this situation aside from the closed and separate nature of Arab society in the land of Israel. The most important and the strongest characteristic of Arab society is its patriarchal regime, and there is consensus on this matter among the researchers of Arab society. This characteristic describes the masculine dominance through the control of the father, the brother, and the husband in all that pertains to the infliction of punishment and the maintenance of discipline, as well as to the limitation of freedom and the fear of opinions. In this way the woman submits to the man and submissively accepts all the decisions that determine her fate.

D’, a woman who is 43 years old, describes the roles of the Bedouin woman in the home sphere and in the public sphere in the following manner.

The Bedouin woman … she has the highest status in the home. She is the mother of the home and she is everything in the home. Everybody re-spects her. In the public sphere she is like every woman in the world and in a society in which a man controls her. The man hands down the decisions … from a public perspective she has a long way ahead to reach a high status.

It is interesting to see that when D’ was asked how she sees herself in another ten years, she responded:

A woman who lives in a society that respects women. I see myself as an independent woman who fights against a closed society that does not respect women … I see myself as extending a helping hand to many women to reach a respected status in society and in general …

It is important to remember that in addition to this characteristic, by the very fact that Bedouin society is a conservative society, the woman’s status in the framework of the tribal society was similar to her status in village society

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and even more inferior. The discipline and obedience of the husband were stricter and more severe and the woman had the main work in the house, in the raising of the children, in the shepherding and raising of the sheep and goats, and in the preparation of the sheets of cloth for the tent.

B’, a woman who is 34 years old, describes the roles of the Bedouin women according to the traditional and modern perception through the daily routine of her life in her family.

I wake up at 6 in the morning, prepare my husband for work … we both leave at 7:30. I return at 3 in the afternoon, care for the home, the children, and cook every day, of course … in terms of the home sphere, the role of the Bedouin woman is very major and in the public sphere it is very little, very, very little …

When I asked B’ directly how, in her opinion, the tasks should be as-signed in the framework of the home tasks, in terms of the roles of the mother and the father, she answered:

The mother needs to care for the home (the Ministry of the Interior) and for all that is related to the home, in other words, the education of the children, the cooking, and the cleaning, and more … and the father needs to see to the earning of the livelihood outside of the home (the Ministry of Foreign Affairs).

It is interesting to see, through the perspective of B’, a fascinating socio-logical concept called ‘the second shift.’ The concept describes a situation in which, following the development of the feminist movements in the world and the struggle for the liberation of the woman, women were able to leave the home and work outside of the home but, nevertheless, when they return home all the traditional tasks still await them (cooking, cleaning, caring for the children, etc.).

Support for this outlook was received by G’, when she was asked about the role of the Bedouin woman in the home sphere and in the public sphere. “The role of the woman is a mother, first of all. The more ‘modern’ women go to work, but this must come as a second priority.”

Anat Pesta-Shubert (2005) examined in her research an interesting phe-nomenon in which many Bedouin women have acquired a higher education in parallel to the changes that Bedouin society has experienced in the past decades. She asserts that Bedouin society as a whole is found in a process of transition and sharp changes that include the ‘breakthrough’ of Bedouin women from the Negev of the boundaries of the tribal and clan collective to which they belong.

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As mentioned above, today the Bedouin population in the Negev con-stitutes well over two hundred thousand people (as of 2013); half of them live in the seven permanent communities: Rahat, Tel Sheva, Kuseife, Arara, Segev Shalom, Lakiya, and Hura. The other half live in the unrecognized villages (the ‘Dispersal’). In the past when the Bedouin were nomadic and the women and men lived in tents, the roles of the Bedouin woman were defined and the identity of each of the women was related directly to her lifestyle. However, with the transition to the urban lifestyle, there has been a change in the lives of both the women and the men. This work will focus, however, as aforementioned, on the lives of the Bedouin women in the North of Israel. The Bedouin woman has found herself ‘losing on both sides,’ in other words without a flock, without grazing land, and without a spring, since the tent has become a house, the encampment a neighbourhood, and the spring a faucet. The transition between the two forms of life has indicated for the Bedouin woman the beginning of a process that describes the loss of power where at the end she has remained generally at home, lacking an education and being unemployed.

As a part of the changes that the Bedouin woman experienced, I chose to note the turning point that occurred in the field of education. From re-search studies that engage in education in the Bedouin society, I learned that Bedouin society was not quick to send girls to acquire an education in general, and a higher education in particular. In general, formal education for girls, adolescents, and women in the Arab countries is relatively new, less than 200 years old. In Israel, education is considered one of the main indices in social change and in the change of awareness in the process of modernization that Bedouin women in Israel are experiencing. It is possible to learn about the changes that the Bedouin woman has experienced in terms of education in the period 1988-2002: according to the data of the Center for the Research of Bedouin society at Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, in 1988 there was at Ben-Gurion University one Bedouin female student and in 1995 there were six Bedouin female students. In the academic year 2001-2002, at the same university there were 363 Bedouin students, 146 women and 217 men. Despite the relative increase of the number of female students, these numbers of Bedouin students in the Negev, especially female students are, nevertheless, low, and indicate the difficulties in the acquisition of an education in this population (Pesta-Shubert, 2005).

Fatma Achmad Kassam (2002) maintains that Bedouin society is found in a process of transition, and many changes influence the status of the Bedouin women. As I noted previously, in the process of the transition from

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a traditional society to a modern society, the Bedouin woman has trans-formed from a “creating figure” to a “needy figure”. This change brought with it a profound identity crisis, accompanied by the lack of self-esteem and economic and social dependence. It would seem that the exposure of the Bedouin woman to the external social world was supposed to open for her many opportunities, but there are many cultural obstacles set by the tribal patriarchal Bedouin Arab society, and political obstacles ensuing from her ethnic belonging, so meaningful in Israeli society.

In this section of the article I will attempt to describe the women who succeeded in shattering the boundaries set by the tribe, sometimes against all odds, and who embarked on a stubborn struggle for their right to complete high school and even to study in institutions of higher education. They did this while struggling on three fronts.

The first front is the tribal and patriarchal Bedouin society that is strug-gling for its existence in Israeli society. It is possible to find a relationship between education and the supervision of women, so that as the circle of education broadens, the supervision over women tightens, since they are perceived as a threat to the existing social order and there is the fear that they will rebel against the Bedouin tradition.

The second front is the Ministry of Education, which makes it difficult for young Bedouin women to acquire a high school education, since it does not allow a separate educational system for girls. Most Bedouin women drop out of the educational system without receiving appropriate assistance and treatment of their problems. Because of the poor level of the school, the young Bedouin women cannot be accepted into the institutions of higher education and are even forced to struggle to obtain a high school educa-tion. Only a handful of them reach the institutions of higher education. The policy I described in this respect continues to repress the Bedouin women even after they obtain positions in teaching in that they are not promoted in the educational system.

The third frontline in the struggle of the Bedouin women is against the institutions of higher education. These institutions have acceptance criteria suitable for the profile of the Jewish students and do not take into account the situation of the Bedouin population in the State of Israel.

Furthermore, Fatma Achmad Kassam (2002) notes that young educated Bedouin women posit a threat to the status of the women in the tribe, espe-cially to the status of the older women, who attempt, in their response, to limit the rights of the young women. It is important to remember that in a tribal patriarchal society the older women are the crucial part of the mechanism that

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maintains the existing order, and their role is to prevent young women from violating the rules of the tribe – as they see them. In the past, older women in Bedouin society in the Negev had freedom of movement and were able to participate in the life of the tribe or even make some important decisions for the community. Today things have changed and in order to be at least partially independent it is necessary to speak Hebrew and to be able to get to Beersheva and fulfil all needs without help and mediation.

Transition from a Nomadic Lifestyle to a Permanent Residence and Its Influence on the Bedouin Woman

In this section I will address shortly the relation between the Israeli govern-ment and the Bedouin population. First, I will describe the Bedouin under the governance of the Turks, then the Bedouin under the governance of the British, and finally the situation of the Bedouin today.

In the Ottoman Empire period, the role of the central authority in the lands of the Middle East was rather loose. The true governor was the Sheikh who ruled by the force of the arms of his tribesmen. The Ottoman official-dom that quickly reached all the distant corners of the Empire invested little resources in the attempt to stop the nomads who came in the summer and disrupted the lives of the peasants in the land of Israel. At the beginning of the 20th century, however, before World War I, the Ottomans began to implement a new policy towards the Bedouin: they attempted to tie them to their land through the establishment of buildings and the encouragement of agricultural settlement. Their object was to enforce security in the desert.

In the period of the rule of the British, which began at the end of World War I, the British government established tribal courts with the aim of judg-ing the petitioners according to the accepted customs of the Bedouin of that time. According to the documents, until 1928 the tribal court did not have the right to hear criminal matters. The relationship between the government and the Bedouin tribes had the character in which the small tribes took part of the rule of the government, such as order, security, and taxes. When the government completely prohibited all the residents of the land of Israel from bearing weapons, for the Bedouin this new situation made their lives difficult since weaponry provided for them another source of living. Many Bedouin traded in weaponry until the end of World War I (Ben David, 1985).

Today, it is customary to address the Bedouin as ‘semi-Bedouin.’ This is so because they mostly live a nomadic life in a limited area in the com-

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munity. They work private land, raise vegetables, trade with the city and the village, and work as employed labourers. From year to year the engagement in the raising of sheep is declining and the use of the advantages of modern techniques is increasing (Ashkenazi, 2000).

I concur with the opinion of many researchers who argue that if this development continues at the pace of recent years, then there is no escaping the fact that the Bedouin will not be able to retain their ancient way of life.

Shabtai Levy (1979) adds and describes the process of the transition to the permanent settlement of Bedouin society in two main stages. The first stage began in the the mid-1950s, in which the Bedouin were moved to the region between Dimona and Arad by the Israeli governments. This limited the source of the livelihood of the Bedouin. From nomadism in the desert regions they were forced to undertake economic activities in trade, industry, services, the construction sector, and so on. The declared goal was to bring them closer to the population in the State of Israel, although it is clear that another motive of this decision was the desire to separate them from the training regions of the Israel Defense Force. As a result, a new system of Bedouin tribal life developed spontaneously.

The second stage began in the middle of the 1970s, when the Bedouins were moved to permanent townships planned by the governments, such as, for instance, Tel Sheva, Rahat, Lakiya and Kuseife. This process, which began about thirty years ago, has lasted until today. The transition from a life of tribal nomadism to permanent communities exposed the Bedouin population to innovations and many changes in their lifestyle, which have influenced the population in general and the Bedouin women in particular.

One of the changes of my interest is the relationship between the tran-sition from a life of nomadism to a life of permanent settlement, and its influence on the women’s leaving the villages for the big cities and their acquisition of an education.

The acquisition of education by Bedouin women created a serious con-flict in Bedouin society, which was faced with a decision between allowing education for girls and the fear of the far-reaching results of this step. Many men in Bedouin society feared that their social status would be harmed and that they would be exposed to public humiliation when they would allow their adult daughter to leave for studies and to acquire an education. In ad-dition, the departure of the girls for studies (first to the school and then to colleges and universities) changes the order of priorities in the household. School obligations take precedence over the obligations of helping at home. In other words, the division of the roles in the family and among the women themselves changes and the mother bears the burden of the home alone.

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Beyond this, the education of women may create new social facts for the Bedouin society. Although indirectly, it influences the size of the family, the women’s demands for independence and mobility (indeed it is possible to see recently a steadily increasing number of women who have driving licenses), and raises anxieties on the part of men and elderly women about the social order related to the roles and position of the Bedouin woman in the social and community framework.

G’, a woman who is 44 years old, addresses the cultural difference be-tween Islam and Judaism in terms of the status of the woman.

In the religion of Islam and according to the Quran the status of the woman is very high, but in the Bedouin culture the men changed the religion to suit them and among them the woman is found at a very low status. She is repressed, she has no real rights, she has no right to speak about important issues, and she is in essence considered to be property.

Another aspect of these transformations is related to the employment of the Bedouin women. Life in permanent communities causes the women to move from the traditional industries to Israeli industries. One should keep in mind that the employment of women outside of home was not accepted in traditional Bedouin society. Men do not view positively women going to work outside the household or community. They tend to explain their attitude as a need to restrict women to the home sphere (Bedouin database website).

My special interest is in the influence of the transition from a nomadic life to a settled life (urbanization) on women. Prevailingly, it is believed that the change has improved significantly Bedouins’ quality of life. However, there are also disadvantages. Therefore, I have decided to include in the questionnaires also questions that would address the meaning of the change.

B’, a woman who is 36 years old, addressed the transition of the Bedouin to a permanent settlement in a positive way:

The transition greatly eased the life of the Bedouin … in terms of the quality of life (electricity, residence, water, transportation, and so on) … The permanent townships have living conditions different from those of a nomadic life…

I am for permanent communities since we live in a world that is advanc-ing rather rapidly… and life in wanderings in the situation of today is very difficult…

The transition of the Bedouin family to the town was entailed by changes in the constellation of employment, primarily since it was necessary to shift from traditional industries to industries that fit into the Israeli economy. Paradoxically, however, these changes primarily have harmed women and the elderly, who are considered a non-productive population. In the condi-

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tions of accelerated urbanization and with the absence of women in the labour force, the burden of earning the family livelihood falls on the actual workforce, which consists of only about 18% of the population of the town-ships (see Kark, Galilee and Feuerstein, 2009). Under these conditions the population finds it difficult to achieve an appropriate standard of living and welfare is supplied by women who work outside of their homes. Research findings show that the work of women is not accepted in Bedouin society and exists only under certain circumstances. The men not only do not see the women’s employment as a real option. Most of them excuse this by the need to limit them to the home and the lack of jobs near home or the lack of suitable skills. It seems that in the opinion of many men the only meaningful source of income of women is the National Insurance stipend – support extended by the state to families based on the number of children in the family. Although this stipend is considered a source of livelihood for the women, the husband receives the money in the bank and he determines what it is used for. The men seek to retain their control over the financial resources and their allocation, as an instrument and a symbol of the power in their hands. Meanwhile, traditionally minded women reject the possibility of going out to work, since this contradicts the roles of the woman as the manager of the home. For them, the family honour obliges each woman to limit her activity to home affairs. The work of women outside of the home is an innovation. Especially older women view these practices negatively. It results from their desire to continue their own position of a woman re-sponsible for home, a responsibility that determines their role in the family and in the social structure.

It is difficult to predict future developments in respect of women’s em-ployment. First, the acquisition of education by young girls may lead to the strengthening of their demand to go to work. Second, the heavy economic burden of supporting the family may force men to allow women to participate in earning the family’s livelihood. Consequently, the increase in the number of women who work outside of the family, even if this is a slow increase, will broaden the boundaries of the social legitimacy that will be granted to these women and will allow others to follow them. In this way, the distance of the young women from the traditional lifestyle will increase and they will seek to acquire personal sources of income. Moreover, the personal income will reduce a dependence on men as the sole breadwinners. In other words, the changes in the structure of employment may lead to changes in the structure of the division of power in the family and help the Bedouin woman to emancipate herself (Tal, 1994).

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G’, a 54 year old woman, addresses the topic of the transition from a no-madic to a permanent settlement lifestyle and its influence on the Bedouin woman. When asked about the changes involved, she responded:

Beforehand, in the nomadic life the woman had something to do … she had to perform a large number of tasks, perhaps more than the man. She was the one to care for the children, for the home, and she would also work in the fields and as a shepherd. Today she is a mother, responsible for the home, and quite a few go out to work, too, but this is not the same thing. Although it appears to us that the status of the Bedouin woman is rising, for instance because she is going out to work… in the eyes of the men this is not the case.

A’, is a woman who (36 years old) reveals testimonies she heard from old Bedouin women. When she was asked to answer the question about the changes that occurred in the transition from a nomadic life to permanent settlement, she replied:

According to the testimonies of a number of old women, the status of the woman is low, with the transition to the permanent life, since in those days she was responsible for the source of income and livelihood of the family (sheep, agriculture, creation of cheeses, and so on). Today she does not have so much to do. She has lost the importance she had and many rights have been taken from her following the modernization. Many girls are locked up at home because of the fear that if they go out then they will harm the family honour. In my opinion, the changes are detrimental since instead of taking from Western society the positive elements, the society has taken the negative elements and has even closed up and set itself behind a wall against modernization… (Women who are 42, 49, 56, 59, and 64 years old).

Marriage and Divorce in Bedouin Society

To describe the marriage and divorce ceremonies in Bedouin society, I chose to add a short description on the men and women, and only then to address these ceremonies.

Marriage

To examine the change that the Bedouin woman has experienced in the field of marriage, I chose to begin this section with a short review of the pattern

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of marriage in Bedouin society that was accepted in the 1940s and 1950s. In the 1940s the marriage age was when the Bedouin girl reached physical maturity (aged twelve to fourteen) and the marriage was held without any written agreement but as an al ketzeleh marriage.

In 1950 the Woman’s Rights Law and the Marriage Age Law were leg-islated, determining that a woman needs to be at least seventeen to marry. In addition, the Marriage Registration Law was determined, which obliges the registration of the marriage of the youngsters or the offender will be punished. Unification of the law has not led to the homogenization of prac-tices in the Israeli societies.

It is easy to see the differences between the traditional Bedouin wedding and the Jewish wedding, according to the statements of A’, a man who is 54 years old, in the following way:

The Bedouin wedding, I think, is different from many perspectives… for instance, there is no wedding canopy. In the Bedouin wedding there is no certain law according to which things are done. Before the wedding, to which many people come, people bring money or sheep to the groom’s family. It should be noted that there is no mixing of sexes in the weddings; in other words, women sit separately, and the men sit in a tent raised for the wedding…

B’ describes the difference between the traditional Bedouin wedding and the Bedouin wedding of today in on short, direct, and sharp sentence: “From end to end … completely different.”

Moshe Shohat and Yosef Ben-David (2000) describe the structure and so-cial organization in Bedouin society as a structure that is similar to a military organization. It is so because of the existence of social frameworks arranged in a hierarchical organization when the vertex constitutes the nuclear family and the bottom is the greatest framework. Marriage in Bedouin society is endogamous marriage.

G’ presents the change in the status of the woman before and after her marriage in the following manner: “There is a great difference. First the girl cannot go out alone or speak with boys and men, this is not accepted… but after the wedding she has more authority.”

The goal of the wedding in general, and the Bedouin wedding in par-ticular, is to bring about the couple’s relationship of a man and a woman according to what is customary in the society and in the religion. Bedouin society sees the family to be a framework intended to have descendants and ensure continuous existence. The initial role of the Bedouin woman

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after she has married is to have male children, with the goal that they will join their father to strengthen the framework of protection and the family’s livelihood. The value of girls in the Bedouin family is inferior to that of boys for many reasons – one of them is the fact that eventually they marry and leave their father’s home.

B’ recalls her marriage ceremony and describes it as a turning point in her life: “The marriage ceremony is an unforgettable experience in Bedouin life… when there is a long experiential process, when the ceremony itself lasts no less than seven days in most cases.”

Frequently many spouses in Bedouin society marry without any great love between them, have children, and quickly enter into a routine of life. However, parents appear before their children as loving and faithful people for the educational value of their children, even if the situation in reality is far from this.

Tuvya Ashkenazi (2000) adds a dimension about polygamy (multiple wives) among the Bedouin and the semi-Bedouin, especially the rich ones, so that the Bedouin man can marry up to four wives. If he wants to marry a fifth wife, then he must divorce one of his four wives so that he will not deviate from what is permitted by Bedouin law.

The traditional wedding, based on my participant observation, will gen-erally be set for the days of Ravia (the spring) since during this period milk flows abundantly, or for another period when the Bedouin are free from urgent work. The respected members of the tribe gather in the groom’s home where the groom’s father butchers sheep for them. After the lunch meal, the mother, the sisters, and the female relatives come and dress the bride and in parallel the groom and his friends come and help him get dressed in the wedding garments. The groom enters the men’s section in the riva tent and sits at the head of the dignitaries, while the wife enters the small tent found about 200 metres from the camp tent. After the sun sets, the groom goes to the bride’s tent where the groom’s relatives and his friends are found near the tent and protect the young couple. With first light, the groom’s family comes to take the young couple from the tent and move them to the tent of the groom’s parents (this pattern of residence is called patrilocal residence). In the continuation, the new couple establishes a tent of their own near the groom’s parents.

A general description of the life of the marriage ceremonies accepted in Bedouin society can be found in the words of A’, a man who is 51 years old, who writes:

The marriage ceremonies are characterized by the fact that the groom asks for the hand of the woman and if the parents approve, then a wedding is

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held … the marriage contract is written … the ceremony is divided into two parts, when first there is the henna party for the bride and a day or several days later then there is the large wedding, and many guests are invited to it.

Divorce

Like marriage, divorce also for the most part is held outside of the Court, according to custom. However, if this is an arbitrary divorce or divorce with the woman’s consent, then the registration will be done as necessary in the framework of the confirmation of a divorce. The concept of a ‘returning divorce’ describes a situation in which the couple’s relationship, between the husband and the wife, is not cancelled but the husband is entitled to the return of the wife after a period of waiting, without the need to hold a new marriage. If the husband does not return the wife, then at the end of the waiting period the divorce becomes a complete divorce, in which the man admits the divorce, the woman confirms, two witnesses verify, and both sides obtain a divorce certificate (Bedouin database website).

A’¸ a woman who is 43 years old, writes about the reference of Bedouin society to the phenomena of divorce and the changes that have occurred in it over the years.

In the past, in terms of society, it was not acceptable to divorce. There is a certain stigma that if a woman divorces then her life has ended. She must return to her parents’ home and she even becomes completely without rights. Today it is no longer a problem and no longer shameful to be divorced, since the Bedouin family has learned to accept and live with this. Many divorced Bedouin women fit into society, go to work and to studies, and even find a husband and a second chapter in their lives.

Frances Raday, Carmel Shalev, and Michal Livan-Kobi (1995) describe the status of the woman in polygamous Bedouin society in reference to the phenomenon of the multiplicity of women that exists in Israel, especially in the Bedouin sector in the South. This phenomenon constitutes only a part of the attitude of Bedouin society to the woman, who is perceived as inferior intellectually, obedient, and not deserving of trust. The following charac-teristics describe the inferior status of the Bedouin woman.

1. She is purchased for money.2. She does not have the right to choose the man whom she will marry

and when the wedding will be held.3. In the case of divorce (very rare in traditional Bedouin society), the

husband receives custody of the children.

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4. The Bedouin woman is not entitled to inheritance at any stage of her shared life with her husband

5. Last, it is necessary to note the painful fact that the beating of women in Bedouin society is a widespread and accepted phenomenon.

The concept of ‘patriarchal control’ describes a situation in which the man is the head of the family and has the exclusive and great power in it. The man’s spouses depend on him economically and are subordinate to his will. The traditional Bedouin family constitutes an extreme classic example of the patriarchal stereotype.

Support of the statements of Frances Raday, Carmel Shalev, and Michal Livan-Kobi (1995) can be found in the work of Magda Hanosh Seroji (1995), who sees the Arab family to be a patriarchal family with a pyramid structure similar to that of the class based society. The division of the work in society in general, and in the Bedouin family in particular, is based on gender and age differences, where the man controls the woman and the older person rules the younger person. Among the factors that led to the reinforcement of the patriarchal regime, it is possible to describe the traditional village society that sees the woman to be the man’s private property. This is a society that prefers men, in addition to the beliefs and prejudices that emphasize over the years the belonging of the woman to the man and his control over her.

Discussion and Conclusions

The results of my study can be put into several points. The work of women outside of their home constitutes an innovation to

which the Bedouin are having difficulties adjusting. The new phenomenon is perceived as a factor that will have great influence in the future and will lead directly to social change, even if the very going out to work and the pace at which this phenomenon will develop are the results of the social processes that are occurring regardless. Some of the older women do not view this phenomenon positively, on the background of their desire to persevere and retain the position of the woman as responsible for the home, a responsibility that has shaped their role in the family and their place in the social fabric.

It is still too early to describe a real breakthrough in the field of the em-ployment of Bedouin women. However, it can be expected that a number of factors will play a part in the shaping of this field. First, the acquisition of education on the part of Bedouin girls will lead to the strengthening of their demand to go to work, using the precedent set by their going to study. Second, the heavy economic burden of supporting the family may force men

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to permit women to participate in the earning of the livelihood of the family. The increase in the number of women who work outside of the home, even if this is a slow increase, will broaden the boundaries of social legitimacy granted to these women and will allow others to follow in their footsteps. Thus, the distance of the young women from the traditional lifestyle will increase and she will ask to acquire for herself personal sources of income. Moreover, her personal income will lessen her dependence on the man as the sole breadwinner. In other words, the changes in the structure of the family employment may lead to changes in the structure of the division of labour in the family and will help the Bedouin woman carve out for herself a new place in society.

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